HE  +1ITTITE3 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

University  of  California. 


Class 


i    •   ■  ■  -   ■     'i 


■'■ «-"'  '' 


'-''•'■  "■''  '■"' 


THE    HITTITES    AND    THEIR 
LANGUAGE 


BY    THE   SAME  AUTHOR. 


THE    BIBLE    AND    THE    EAST.       Blackwood. 


"The  work  of  a  man  of  independent  judgment  and  much 
knowledge." — Times. 

"  Deserves  an  equal  welcome  from  the  devout  and  from  the 
critical  reader." — Scotsman. 


THE  LATIN  KINGDOM  OF  JERUSALEM.  Pal- 
estine Exploration  Fund.     1897. 

THE  TELL  AMARNA  TABLETS.  Complete 
Translation,  with  Geographical  and  other  Notes  and 
Maps.      Palestine    Exploration    Fund.      Second    Edition. 


SYRIAN     STONE     LORE.        Palestine    Exploration 
Fund.     New  Edition.     1896. 

PALESTINE.     Philips  &  Son.     1891. 


THE     HITTITES 


AND    THEIR 


LANGUAGE 


C.    R.    CONDER,    Lt.-Col.  R.E. 

LL.D.,    D.C.L.,    M.R.A.S. 

AUTHOR   OF    'TENT-WORK    IN    PALESTINE,' 
'THE   BIBLE    AND   THE   EAST,'    ETC. 


WILLIAM     BLACKWOOD     AND     SONS 

EDINBURGH    AND     LONDON 

MDCCCXCVII  I 


/      S 


All  Risrhis  reserved 


M.4K80  ROOM 


MA(*J 


PREFACE. 


In  1887  I  published  a  small  volume  on  'Altaic 
Hieroglyphs  and  Hittite  Inscriptions,'  now  sold 
out.  In  this  I  explained  the  reasons  for  suppos- 
ing this  script  to  be  decipherable  by  aid  of 
Mongol  speech,  and  added  tentative  renderings 
of  some  of  the  shorter  texts ;  while  the  reader 
was  duly  warned  that  much  time  would  elapse 
before  final  results,  on  the  lines  laid  down,  could 
be  expected.  I  received  kind  encouragement 
from  several  well  -  known  specialists  to  continue 
the  study,  which  has  now  occupied  me  for  ten 
years,  with  results  which  confirm  the  original 
suggestions. 

Very  little  has  been  written  as  to  the  decipher- 
ment of  these  texts  since  my  discovery  was 
published.  Dr  Peiser  in  Germany  has  pro- 
nounced an  opinion  in  favour  of  the  comparison 
of  Hittite  and  Turkish,  which  is  practically  what 

213161 


VI  PREFACE. 

I  had  previously  indicated.  Dr  Peter  Jensen 
of  Marburg  calls  the  Hittite  a  "  suffixing  lan- 
guage," and  yet  proposes  a  comparison  with 
Armenian,  which  is  a  modern  Aryan  prefixing 
language.  Neither  writer  claims  to  read  the 
texts.  In  1893  I  published  a  further  paper  on 
the  subject  in  the  'Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,'  but  since  then  I  have  found  it  possible 
to  make  considerable  advance,  in  consequence 
of  new  sources  of  information.  The  publication 
of  the  Tell  Loh  and  Tell  Amarna  texts,  since 
1887,  has  cast  much  additional  light  on  the 
subject,  as  has  the  recovery  of  new  "  Hittite " 
inscriptions  by  Humann,  Puchstein,  Ramsay,  and 
Hogarth,  which  were  not  copied  when  I  first 
wrote  on  the  subject. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  reader  of  these  pages  will 
find  that  the  proposed  renderings  do  not  rest  on 
arbitrary  assumptions,  but  on  the  same  principles 
which  are  now  recognised  in  the  reading  of  either 
Egyptian  or  Cuneiform  records. 

C.  R.  C. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP. 

I.  EARLY    HISTORY 

II.  THE    EGYPTIAN   CONQUESTS    IN   SYRIA 

III.  THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA 

IV.  THE    RACES   OF   WESTERN   ASIA 
V.  MONGOL   GODS   AND    BELIEFS 

VI.  MONGOL   HIEROGLYPHICS 


I 
26 
56 

88 
in 
136 


APPENDICES. 

AVHEND. 

I.  CHRONOLOGY  . 

II.  THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE     . 

III.  NOTES   ON   DEITIES    AND   MYTHS 

IV.  THE    HITTITE   SYLLABARY       . 
V.  ORIGIN   OF   THE   ALPHABET    . 

VI.  THE  HITTITE  TEXTS. 
VII.  HITTITE  VOCABULARY 
VIII.    LIST   OF   AUTHORITIES 


171 
187 
2IO 
215 
248 
257 
296 
304 

306 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Map  of  Western  Asia,  showing  distribution  of  Hit- 

tite  Monuments       ....       At  beginning  of  book 
The  Hittite  Syllabary,  ii  Plates      .  .  .  between  236-248 

Origin  of  the  Alphabet  .....  255 

PLATES   AT   THE   END. 

I.    Mer'ash  Texts.     No.  i.     From  cast  in  British  Museum. 
II.    Mer'ash  Texts.     No.  2.     From  copy  by  D.  G.  Hogarth. 

f  Mer'ash  Texts.     Nos.  3  and  4.     From  copies  by  O.  Puchstein. 
'  Imer'ash  Fragments.    From  copies  by  O.  Puchstein. 
IV.-VII.  Carchemish  Texts — 

No.  1.     Frof/t  the  Original. 
No.  2.  11 

No.  3  11 

Nos.  4,  5,  and  Fragments.     From  the  Originals. 
VIII.  Hamath  Stones.     Nos.  1,  2,  3,  4.    From  the  casts  by  Dr  Wright. 
IX.  11  No.  5.     Frofjt  the  cast  by  Dr  Wright. 

X.   Bulgar  Maden.     From  copy  by  D.  G.  Hogarth. 
XI.  1.  Iasili-Kaia.      2.  Aleppo.      3.  Sipylos.      4.  Karabel.      5 

and  6.  Ibreez.     From  copies. 
XII.  1.  Ibreez.      2  and  3.    Arslan  Tepe.      From  copies  by  D.  G. 
Hogarth. 


X  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

XIII.  Samosata.     Kolitolu  Yaila. 

XIV.  i.   Bor.     From  copy  by  D.  G.  Hogarth. 

2.  Bilingual  Boss  of  Tarkotimme. 

3.  Babylonian  Bowl.     From  the  Original. 
XV.  Seals— 

1  to    9.  Layard's    Seals    from   Nineveh.       See    Wright's 
'  Empire  of  the  Hittites. ' 
10  to  25.  Schlumberger's    Seals.      From  photographs   in   the 
same  work. 
XVI.  Seals— 

26,  27.  Seals  from  Tell  Bashar.    Copied by  D.  G.  Hogarth. 

28.  Seal  from  Culte  de  Mithra.    Copied  from  Wright's 

'Empire  of  the  Hittites.' 

29.  The    Hittite    Emblems  on   the    Ashmolean   bi- 

lingual Seal  of  Abd  Iskhara. 

30.  Hittite  Emblems  on   Lachish  Seal.      From  the 

Original. 

31.  Seal  from  Lycaonia.     From  Perrot's  'Hist,  of  Art.' 

32.  Emblems  round  a  Seal.     From  the  same  work. 


THE    HITTITES   AND    THEIR 
LANGUAGE. 


CHAPTER    I. 


EARLY     HISTORY. 


Some  five  thousand  years  ago  the  great  river- 
valley  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  was  ruled 
by  a  sturdy  Mongol  race  which  dominated  some 
earlier  "  dark  -  faced  "  people.  These  conquerors 
appear  to  have  come  from  the  mountains  of 
Media,  and  were  familiar  with  the  bear,  the 
wolf,  and  the  tiger  —  which  lives  in  cold  moun- 
tain regions  —  while  it  is  doubtful  if  they  knew 
of  lions,  or  of  the  palm  among  trees.  They 
settled  on  the  lower  hills  near  Susa,  and  their 
kings  reigned  at  Ur  on  the  Persian  Gulf.  They 
soon  became  a  seafaring  people,  having  not 
only   boats    on    the    great    rivers    but    also    ships 

A 


fn  &  London. 


THE    HITTITES    AND   THEIR 
LANGUAGE. 


CHAPTER    I. 


EARLY     HISTORY 


Some  five  thousand  years  ago  the  great  river- 
valley  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  was  ruled 
by  a  sturdy  Mongol  race  which  dominated  some 
earlier  "  dark  -  faced  "  people.  These  conquerors 
appear  to  have  come  from  the  mountains  of 
Media,  and  were  familiar  with  the  bear,  the 
wolf,  and  the  tiger  —  which  lives  in  cold  moun- 
tain regions  —  while  it  is  doubtful  if  they  knew 
of  lions,  or  of  the  palm  among  trees.  They 
settled  on  the  lower  hills  near  Susa,  and  their 
kings  reigned  at  Ur  on  the  Persian  Gulf.  They 
soon  became  a  seafaring  people,  having  not 
only   boats    on    the    great    rivers    but    also    ships 

A 


2  EARLY    HISTORY. 

with  sails  on  the  southern  sea.  They  were  a 
masterful  race,  with  heavy  features  and  round 
heads,  and  their  warlike  power  made  them  rulers 
in  time  of  all  Western  Asia.  The  name  of  the 
tribe  is  unknown  ;  but  the  kings  of  Ur  called 
themselves  kings  not  only  of  Sumir  ("  the  river- 
valley  ")  but  also  of  Akkad  ("  the  mountains "), 
a  term  which  included  the  region  of  Ararat  to 
the  north ;  while  they  also  raided  as  far  as  the 
Mediterranean,  and  set  up  their  images  beside 
this  "  sea  of  the  sunset." 

The  later  Babylonians  in  the  time  of  Cyrus 
had  many  traditions  about  Sargina,  whom  they 
regarded  as  the  "founder;  the  king  of  the  world; 
the  maker  of  law  and  wealth."  Nabonidus,  the 
last  king  of  Babylon  —  conquered  by  Cyrus  — 
speaks  of  Sargina's  son  as  having  lived  3200 
years  before  himself;  but  whether  he  was  likely 
to  have  been  well  informed  as  to  the  lapse  of 
so  many  centuries  may  be  doubted.  The  exact 
measurement  of  time  was  not  generally  recorded 
till  much  later  in  history,  and  Orientals  are  fond 
of  piling  up  the  years,  and  of  claiming  a  greater 
antiquity  of  origin  than  their  neighbours.  ■  The 
Babylonians  were  not  free  from  the  tendency 
which  gives  a  fabulous  antiquity  to  Chinese  or 
Indian  civilisation  ;  and  all  that  we  can  safely 
say  as  to  the  origin  of  the  kingdom  of  Ur  is 
that  it  dates  before  the  rise  of  Babylon,  which 
was  founded  about  2250  B.C.     The  personality  of 


SARGINA    OF   AKKAD.  3 

Sargina  ("  king  of  the  land  ")  is  itself  doubtful  in 
absence  of  any  monuments  certainly  his  own ; * 
while  the  favourite  legend  of  his  birth,  of  which 
several  copies  are  known,  is  mythical.  The  later 
scribes  seem  to  have  copied  it  from  a  monument 
of  some  ancient  hero,  but  it  records  his  secret 
birth  and  unknown  father,  his  nurture  by  a 
''waterman"  while  his  father's  brother  ruled  the 
land,  and  his  being  placed  in  a  bulrush  ark  on 
the  Euphrates  by  his  mother.  The  story  is  that, 
common  to  many  peoples,  of  the  man  born  to 
be  a  king.  It  recalls  not  only  the  infancy  of 
Moses,  but  the  tale  of  Perseus  among  the 
Greeks,  and  of  Darab2  in  Persia.  Like  other 
semi  -  mythical  heroes,  Sargina  grew  up  to  be  a 
great  king,  ruling  the  "  dark  -  faced  people."  He 
was  said  to  have  founded  the  city  of  Akkad 
north  of  Ur,  and  to  have  there  erected  the 
"high  place"  and  the  "star-gazing  house."  He 
conquered  Elam,  or  Western  Persia,  and  for  four 
years  he  warred  in  the  west  as  far  as  the  sea- 
coast  of  Phoenicia,  bringing  back  the  spoil  of  its 
lands.  He  put  down  a  revolt  of  the  tribes  which 
besieged  him  in  Akkad,  and  conquered  the  people 
of  Eden  in  the  east  or  north-east. 

The  son  of  Sargina  is  said  to  have  been  named 
Naramaku  (probably  "  of  royal  birth  "),  and  to 
have  yet  further  extended  the  empire  to   Magan, 

1  See  note,  Appendix  I. 

2  See  '  Syrian  Stone-Lore,'  2nd  edition,  p.  456. 


4  EARLY   HISTORY. 

or  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  where  some  local  ruler 
was  captured.  He  built  the  temple  of  the  Sun 
in  Sippara  (or  Sepharvaim) ;  and  an  inscription 
on  a  vase  terms  him  the  "king  of  the  four 
quarters "  of  the  earth.  The  names  of  many 
other  local  rulers  believed  to  belong  to  this  re- 
mote period  are  found  at  Ur,  Nippur,  and  other 
towns  of  Chaldea ;  but  their  dates  and  succession 
are  unknown,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  burden 
the  memory  with  strange  titles  of  princes  and 
temple-builders,  many  of  which  are  perhaps  not 
really  personal  names,  but  religious  or  honorary 
appellations.  Such  shadowy  rulers  are  to  us 
mere  ghosts  of  the  past,  whose  records  have 
been  well  termed  the  "dust  of  history."  The 
main  fact  which  is  important  to  our  subject  is 
the  domination  of  Western  Asia,  from  Ararat 
to  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  from  the  mountains  of 
Media  to  the  Mediterranean,  by  the  kings  of 
Ur,  at  the  earliest  period  of  Asiatic  history,  and 
the  apparent  conquest  of  Syria,  Palestine,  and 
Sinai,  down  to  the  borders  of  Egypt,  at  a  time 
which  may  prove  finally  to  be  more  remote 
than  that  of  the  dawn  of  civilisation  in  Egypt 
itself. 

After  Sargina  and  Naramaku,  the  most  con- 
spicuous figures  in  the  history  of  the  kings  of 
Ur  are  the  monarchs  whose  names  are  generally 
read  as  Urbau,  and  Dungi  his  son.  We  here 
come  into  the  full  light   of  monumental  records, 


THE    PALACE    OF    TELL    LOH.  5 

though  the  exact  period  can  only  be  deduced 
from  the  later  Babylonian  statements,  which 
would  make  Dungi  to  have  ruled  about  2800 
B.C.  Urbau  was  the  founder  of  a  temple  at 
Zirgul,  which  was  chiefly  built  in  the  time  of 
his  son.  It  is  not  impossible  that  he  is  the 
same  king  whose  name  is  otherwise  spelt  as 
Urbavi,  and  even  Umina,  and  he  appears  to 
have  ruled  like  his  predecessors  over  Sumir  — 
the  southern  valley  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates 
—  and  over  Akkad  or  the  northern  mountains. 
Dungi,  his  successor,  makes  the  same  claim,  and 
in  his  time  the  Mongol  princes  of  Ur  were 
in  communication  with  Phoenicia,  Sinai,  and 
Egypt. 

Our  knowledge  of  these  reigns  is  due  to 
the  discoveries  of  De  Sarzec,  since  1880,  at  the 
palace  of  Tell  Loh  ("the  tablet  mound")  mark- 
ing the  site  of  Zirgul,  a  city  of  which  the  name 
survives  hard  by  in  the  modern  village  of  Zirghul. 
It  lay  south  of  the  great  canal  called  Khat  el 
Hai,  which  joins  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  below 
Babylon,  and  it  was  some  forty  miles  east  ot 
the  latter  river.  The  mound,  which  is  about 
forty  feet  high,  was  crowned  by  walls  of  baked 
brick,  still  standing  to  a  height  of  ten  feet.  An 
oblong  enclosure,  with  its  angles  to  the  cardinal 
points,  surrounded  a  central  court,  on  which 
thirty-six  chambers  of  various  sizes  opened.  A 
stepped     pyramid     formed     the     shrine     of     this 


6  EARLY    HISTORY. 

palace,  which  was  adorned  with  eight  statues 
of  Sinaitic  granite,  covered  with  texts  in  the 
Sumerian  language,  one  of  these  figures  being 
colossal.  The  great  builder  of  Zirgul  was  Gudea, 
the  patesi  ("  prince  "  or  "  priest  ")  of  the  place,  who 
was  a  subject  of  Dungi,  king  of  Ur.  Bas-reliefs 
representing  the  victories  of  this  king  in  Elam 
have  been  found,  and  one  curious  design  appears 
to  represent  him  as  himself  building  the  temple, 
aided  by  his  wife  and  four  sons,  with  a  basket 
on  his  head — which  is  shaven  for  a  vow — and  a 
cloth  round  his  loins.1  The  office  of  patesi  was 
hereditary,  and  these  princes  may  have  been  of 
the  royal  house.  Like  later  kings,  they  were 
priests  as  well ;  but  Gudea  was  a  warrior  who 
claims  to  have  conquered  from  the  sea  of  the 
"highlands"  {sinim),  probably  the  Caspian,  to  the 
lower  sea  or  Persian  Gulf.  The  city  of  Ansan, 
famous  afterwards  as  the  early  capital  of  Cyrus, 
was  also  taken  by  force,  and  its  spoils  brought  to 
Zirgul.  This  city  lay  in  Sinim  or  Western 
Persia,  which,  it  may  be  noted  in  passing,  is 
probably  the  Sinim  of  the  Bible  (Isa.  xlix.  12). 

One  passage  in  the  dedicatory  texts  of  Gudea 
is  important  historically,  as  showing  the  wide 
extent    of  country    over   which   the  power  of  the 

1  The  text  on  this  bas-relief  reads  :  E-gal-AN-Niiigirsn-ZiiguUa 
Sar  Tur-sar-ni  Ttimgi  mil  rn  .  .  .  Ur-nina  Sag-titrda  E-AN-Nina- 
mit-ni  mu  ru,  "The  temple  of  Ningirsu  of  Zirgul  the  king,  a  king's 
son,  Dungi  builds.  The  eldest  son  of  Urbau  for  an  abode  of  Nina  my 
goddess  builds  it." 


THE    SUMERIANS    IN    SINAI.  7 

kings  of  Ur  extended,  and  the  civilisation  of  the 
age.     It  may  be  rendered  as  follows : — 

When  I  built  the  temple  of  Ningirsu  ...  I  was 
ruling  from  the  sea  of  Sinim  to  the  lower  sea.  I  raised 
its  roof  with  wood  from  Amanus,  wood  of  seventy  cubits, 
wood  of  fifty  cubits,  wood  of  twenty-five  cubits.  ...  I 
brought  gold-dust  from  Upper  Egypt  for  the  facade  of 
the  temple.  ...  I  brought  bitumen  from  the  river  of 
Gumir  (Gomer),  from  the  mountains  of  Media  (Madga), 
for  the  floor  of  the  temple.  ...  I  wrought  with  hard 
stone  from  the  mountain  of  Musalla  in  Phoenicia.  .  .  . 
I  brought  white  stone  from  Tidalum,  the  mountain  of 
Phoenicia,  to  form  the  foundation  of  the  hinges  of  the 
temple  doors.  .  .  .  Hard  stone  was  brought  from  the 
land  of  Sinai  (Magan) :  I  made  an  image  thereof.  That 
my  name  may  be  remembered  I  have  recorded  this. 

In  other  passages  mention  is  made  of  the  ships 
which  conveyed  precious  woods  and  other  mate- 
rials ;  and,  although  basalt  could  be  obtained 
nearer  home,  the  Sinaitic  granite  of  the  statues 
was  probably  brought  by  sea  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Euphrates,  in  which  case  the  Sumerians  must 
have  circumnavigated  Arabia  and  communicated 
with  Upper  Egypt,  either  from  a  port  near  Suez, 
or  perhaps  from  the  western  shore  of  the  Red  Sea 
— the  Abyssinian  gold  being  brought  down  by  the 
native  tribes  of  that  region  to  the  coast.  The 
materials  used,  and  of  which  fragments  are  found 
in  Gudea's  palace,  include  alabaster,  lapis-lazuli, 
and  bronze,  in  addition  to  the  cedar,  marble,  and 
granite  mentioned  in  the  text. 

The  contemporary  history  of  Egypt    is  so  un- 


8  EARLY    HISTORY. 

certain  at  this  early  period  that  it  is  doubtful 
what  dynasty  was  then  in  power.  The  first  three 
dynasties  have  left  us  no  monuments  that  can  be 
certainly  ascribed  to  the  legendary  successors  of 
Menes,  but  records  begin  with  the  fourth  royal 
family,  which  ruled  from  Memphis,  possibly  about 
2900  B.C.  The  founder  of  this  dynasty — Senefru 
— has  left  an  inscription  in  the  Sinaitic  penin- 
sula, as  has  Khufu  (or  Cheops),  his  successor. 
The  copper  -  mines  were  perhaps  already  being 
worked  in  this  region  when  the  ships  of  Dungi 
reached  its  coasts,  and  peaceful  relations  appear 
to  have  existed  between  the  rulers  of  Western 
Asia  and  of  Egypt.  As,  however,  we  depend — 
not  only  in  Chaldea,  but  yet  more  in  Egypt — on 
very  late  statements  as  regards  this  first  age  of 
civilisation,  all  attempts  to  define  date  must  be 
regarded  as  doubtful.  The  Babylonians,  in  the 
later  age  of  history -writing,  were  themselves  un- 
certain as  to  the  succession  of  the  kings  of  Ur ; 
and  in  one  list  of  twelve  names  they  have  added 
the  caution,  "  These  are  kings  who  were  after  the 
flood  [abubi],  not  arranged  respectively  in  order." 
It  seems  probable,  however,  that  the  civilisation 
of  Chaldea  was  actually  older  than  that  of  the 
Delta,  while  it  is  clear  that  the  power  of  its 
rulers  was  far  more  extensive  than  that  of  the 
monarchs  of  Memphis. 

The  mountains  of  Sinim  or  Western  Persia  were 
inhabited  by  a  race  of  the  same  stock  with  that 


THE    SPOILS    OF    SUSA.  9 

which  thus  civilised  Mesopotamia ;  and  about 
2280  B.C.  (according  to  a  later  Assyrian  state- 
ment) Kudur-  Nanhundi,  the  king  of  Elam  or 
Persia,  conquered  Akkad,  and  perhaps  transferred 
the  seat  of  the  monarchy  to  the  eastern  uplands. 
We  possess  a  short  inscription  of  a  monarch  so 
named,  which  shows  that  the  old  language  of 
Persia  was  a  dialect  closely  akin  to  that  of  the 
Sumerians  of  Ur.  Kudur -Nanhundi  removed  to 
Susa,  east  of  the  Tigris,  the  gods  and  the  spoils 
of  Akkad ;  and  many  of  the  temples  and  sacred 
groves  which  Assurbanipal  (about  660  B.C.)  dese- 
crated, when  conquering  Elam,  may  have  existed 
more  than  two  thousand  years  before  his  time. 
As  to  these  the  Assyrian  conqueror  relates : a — 

I  brought  out  and  counted  the  spoil,  silver,  gold,  fur- 
niture, and  goods,  from  Sumir,  Akkad,  and  Babylon  :  all 
that  the  kings  of  Elam  from  first  to  last  had  carried  off 
and  brought  to  Elam,  bronze  hammered  hard  and  pure, 
beautiful  and  valuable  gems  belonging  to  kings,  which 
former  kings  of  Akkad  and  Saulmugina  (the  Assyrian 
rebel  prince)  had  paid  to  Elam  for  their  aid  ;  beautiful 
garments  of  royalty ;  weapons  of  war  ready  for  battle, 
well  fitted  to  the  hand ;  the  furniture  of  his  palaces,  all 
that  was  therein  :  the  provisions  for  his  food  :  the  throne 
he  sat  on.  Strong  war-chariots  adorned  with  bronze  and 
painted,  horses  and  great  mules  with  trappings  of  gold 
and  silver,  I  carried  away  to  Assyria.  The  tower  of  Susa, 
whose  floor  was  laid  with  marble,  I  destroyed.  I  broke 
down  its  roof  of  shining  gold.      Susinak,  the  god  of  their 


1  Translation  by  Fox  Talbot.     Records  of  the  Past  (Old  Series), 
vol.  i.  p.  85. 


10  EARLY    HISTORY. 

oracle  who  dwelt  in  the  groves,  whose  godhead  none  had 
seen  (and  other  Elamite  gods),  with  their  belongings,  their 
priests,  and  worshippers,  I  carried  off  to  Assyria.  Thirty- 
two  statues  of  kings,  made  of  silver,  gold,  bronze,  and 
alabaster  from  Susa,  ...  I  carried  to  Assyria.  I 
broke  the  winged  lions  and  bulls  watching  over  the 
temple.  I  removed  all  the  winged  bulls  of  the  gates  of 
the  temple  of  Elam.  I  overthrew  them  till  they  were 
destroyed.  His  gods  and  goddesses  I  sent  into  cap- 
tivity ;  their  forest  groves,  which  none  other  had  entered, 
or  trodden  their  outskirts,  my  warriors  entered,  and  saw 
the  groves  and  burned  them  with  fire. 

This  text  has  been  quoted  somewhat  out  of 
place,  because  of  its  reference  to  the  early  Elamite 
conquest  of  Chaldea,  and  because  of  the  vivid 
picture  that  it  draws  of  the  Mongol  civilisation, 
common  to  Elam  and  Ur,  before  Babylon  existed. 
The  centre  of  power  down  to  about  2250  B.C.  lay 
in  the  south  and  south-east,  and  neither  Babylon 
nor  Nineveh  had  as  yet  become  a  royal  city.  But 
the  Mongol  population  was  not  confined  to  Sumir 
— the  river  valley — for  it  existed  also  in  the  north, 
where  the  Minni  had  probably  already  settled  west 
of  Lake  Van,  while  the  Kassi  (or  "warriors")  had 
advanced  from  the  Taurus  along  the  Euphrates 
southwards.  The  original  home  of  the  Mongol 
race  with  which  we  are  dealing  seems  to  have 
been  in  the  mountains  of  Kurdistan  and  Media. 
The  southern  division  may  be  called  Sumerian, 
while  to  the  northern  the  term  Akkadian  may  be 
more  specially  applied.  There  is  evidence  that 
the  two  dialects   differed  somewhat,  the  language 


THE    KASSITES.  II 

of  the  Kassites  being  nearer  akin  to  that  of  the 
Minni  and  of  the  later  Mongol  tribes  of  Media. 
It  is  with  the  northern  branch  of  the  race  that 
we  are  specially  concerned,  for  the  so  -  called 
"Hittite"  texts  appear  clearly  to  belong  to  the 
Akkadians  proper,  and  to  the  various  allied  tribes 
of  North  Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  which  about 
2200  B.C.  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Tintir 
or  Babylon,  including  among  others  the  Hittites 
of  Carchemish,  who  held  the  great  ford  by  which 
most  conquerors  crossed  the  Euphrates  to  reach 
Phoenicia  and  Palestine.  The  script  and  lan- 
guage of  this  newly  discovered  series  of  monu- 
ments appear  to  have  been  peculiar  to  the  north, 
while  the  older  tongue  of  Sumir  was  written  with 
emblems  usually  called  "linear  Babylonian,"  such 
as  are  found  at  Zirgul  and  in  other  cities  of 
Southern  Chaldea.  The  two  systems  of  writing 
were  as  closely  connected  as  were  the  two  dialects, 
but  they  were  not  identical,  and  they  appear  to 
have  developed  independently  in  the  north  and 
in  the  south. 

Berosus,  the  Babylonian  historian  of  the  Greek 
age,  calls  the  dynasty  which  founded  Babylon 
Medic,  not  because  they  belonged  to  the  later 
Aryan  race  to  which  the  name  is  usually  given, 
but  because  the  home  of  the  new  conquerors,  who 
called  themselves  Kassi,  was  in  Media,  where  their 
language  survived  even  as  late  as  500  B.C.  The 
names  of  the  Kassites  were  translated  into  Semitic 


12  EARLY    HISTORY. 

speech  by  Babylonian  scribes  of  the  Persian  period, 
and  from  these  translations  it  is  clear  that  the 
Kassite  language  was  a  Mongol  dialect,  similar  to 
Akkadian,  to  Sumerian,  and  to  the  language  of  the 
Minni  and  of  Matiene  (Mitanni)  farther  north;  but 
very  few  actual  records  of  the  ist  Kassite  dynasty 
had  been  recovered  till  of  late,1  and  our  informa- 
tion was  mainly  derived  from  later  Assyrian  or 
Baylonian  accounts,  and  from  their  transcripts 
and  translations  of  texts  which  have  now  per- 
ished, or  remain  to  be  found.  The  Babylonians 
reckoned  five  kings,  including  Sumuabi  the  founder 
of  Babylon,  before  the  reign  of  'Ammurabi  (or 
'Ammurabil),  the  famous  conqueror  who  estab- 
lished the  Babylonian  empire  throughout  Western 
Asia.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the  Kassite 
race  was  as  purely  Mongol  as  were  the  Sumerians 
of  the  south.  The  fourth  and  fifth  kings  (Abilsin 
and  Sinmuballid)  bear  names  which — if  they  were 
correctly  represented  by  the  Babylonian  scribes — 
would  be  Semitic,  though  the  originals  may  per- 
haps have  given  the  Akkadian  forms  (Alamaku  and 
Akupis),  but  of  these  monarchs  no  monuments  are 
as  yet  known.  The  oldest  inscription  in  a  Semitic 
language  belongs  to  the  time  of  'Ammurabi,  and 
it  is  written  in  the  character  of  Southern  Meso- 
potamia.      The    home    of   the    Semitic    race  —  as 

1  The  British  Museum  possesses  commercial  tablets  of  the  time  of 
Eriaku,  'Ammurabi,  Samsuiluna,  Ammi-Safana,  and  Ammi-Zaduga,  in 
cuneiform  script,  but  apparently  none  of  the  earlier  kings.  Nor  were 
their  names  (2250-2140  B.C.)  found  at  Nippur. 


THE    SEMITIC    HOME.  13 

witnessed  by  the  evidence  of  names  for  fauna  and 
flora  common  to  all  Semitic  dialects — appears  to 
have  been  in  Assyria,1  and  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  they  had  met,  in  their  first  cradle,  with 
either  the  ostrich  or  the  palm,  distinctive  of  more 
southerly  climes.  That  they  did  not  first  live  in 
the  Arabian  deserts  is  clear,  from  their  acquain- 
tance with  the  stork  and  the  pelican,  with  the 
vine,  the  fig,  the  pomegranate,  the  almond  and 
olive.  They  also  named  the  bear  and  the  boar, 
the  lion  and  the  panther ;  and  they  grew  wheat, 
barley,  and  other  vegetables,  not  to  be  found  in 
the  desert.  The  habitat  so  indicated  lies  in  the 
foothills  of  the  Taurus  and  of  Syria,  and  in  the 
Aramean  uplands.  The  Semitic  tribes  may  have 
existed  among  the  Sumerians  from  the  first  ages 
of  history,  but  if  so  they  were  as  yet  unimportant 
and  illiterate.  It  was  in  the  north  of  Mesopotamia 
that  they  first  attained  to  a  position  which  ren- 
dered it  necessary  to  write  inscriptions  in  their 
language;  and  it  is  just  at  this  period  (during  the 
reign  of  'Ammurabi)  that  the  Hebrew  ancestor  is 
represented  to  have  lived  at  Ur  of  the  Chaldees, 
and  at  Harran  in  Northern  Mesopotamia.  His 
migration  westwards  to  Palestine,  where  he  found 
Semitic  tribes,  called  Amorites  ("  highlanders ") 
and  Canaanites  ("  lowlanders "),  already  in  pos- 
session, but  mingled  with  Hittites,  and  other 
Mongol  peoples  to  be  considered  later,  also  agrees 

1  Die  Namen  der  Saugetiere.     F.  Hommel.     Leipzig,  1879.     And 
Von  Kremer's  '  Semitische  Culturenlehnungen.'     Stuttgart,  1875. 


14  EARLY    HISTORY. 

with  the  account  of  Ammi  Satana's  invasion  (about 
2030  B.C.)  of  the  land  of  the  Amurri  or  Amorites, 
who  here  first  appear  in  monumental  history.  It 
is  probable  that  the  Kassites,  in  their  struggle  for 
supremacy  over  Elam,  were  aided  by  the  Semitic 
inhabitants  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  ;  and  it  is 
thought  that  the  northern,  or  Akkadian,  dialect  of 
the  old  Mongol  language  shows  signs  of  Semitic 
influence  in  both  structure  and  vocabulary,  being 
less  pure  than  the  older  Sumerian  of  the  south. 

The  transfer  of  power  from  Elam  to  Babylon 
was  not  effected  without  a  struggle,  and  (appar- 
ently in  the  time  of  Sinmuballid)  the  Elamite 
king  Kudur  -  Alabug  established  his  son  Eriaku 
as  ruler  of  Larsa,  north  of  Ur  and  east  of  the 
Euphrates.  The  latter  claimed  to  be  king  not 
only  of  Larsa  and  Ur,  but  of  Sumir  and  Akkad 
generally,  as  did  his  father  before  him,  who  also 
ruled  in  the  "  west " :  so  that  the  whole  of  the 
ancient  empire  seems,  in  the  time  of  Kudur- 
Mabug,  to  have  been  subject  to  Elam.  A  small 
figure,  inscribed  with  his  name  and  in  his  lan- 
guage, was  discovered  at  Zirgul,  and  we  possess 
also  a  copy  of  a  dedicatory  text  by  Eriaku,  and 
another  text  on  a  cone  in  which  he  prays  for  the 
life  of  his  father.1 


1  The  reign  of  Eriaku  in  Babylonia  is  also  attested  by  two  tablets, 
in  the  British  Museum,  referring  to  sales  of  property,  and  dated,  the 
first  in  the  year  when  he  "destroyed  the  wicked  foe,"  the  other  in 
that  of  the  taking  of  "  eight  fortresses  "  of  Isin. 


CHEDORLAOMER.  15 

Eriaku  is  generally  admitted  to  be  the  Arioch, 
king  of  Ellasar,  noticed  in  the  Bible  (Gen.  xiv. 
i)  ;  and  Chedorlaomer  king  of  Elam  was  pro- 
bably his  brother.  A  recently  deciphered  text 
is  supposed  to  mention  both  these  monarchs,  as 
well  as  Tidal  king  of  the  Goim,  as  contemporaries 
of  'Ammurabi  or  Amraphel,  king  of  Shinar.1  The 
Biblical  account  represents  them  as  allies  who 
invaded  the  west,  and  who,  passing  through 
Bashan  and  Gilead,  reached  Petra,  and  returned 
west  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  Jordan  valley, 
punishing  the  local  kings  or  chiefs  who  had 
"served  Chedorlaomer,"  but  had  rebelled.  This 
monarch,  therefore,  like  his  predecessor  Kudur- 
Mabug,  was  a  "  lord  of  the  west " :  but  the 
alliance  did  not  endure ;  for  'Ammurabi  threw 
off  the  Elamite  yoke  and  defeated  Eriaku  and 
the  allied  king  of  Elam,  assuming  the  titles  of 
"  king  of  Babylon,  of  Sumir  and  Akkad,  and  of 
the  four  regions  "  (or  quarters  of  the  compass), 
about  2139  B.C.  'Ammurabi  is  thus  often  regarded 
as  the  founder  of  the  Babylonian  dynasty,  and 
was  succeeded  by  five  generations  of  descendants. 

The  struggles  between  the  Kassites  and  the 
Sumerians  seem  to  have  continued  for  more 
than  eleven  centuries,  and,  from  about  1950  to 
1590    B.C.,    the   kings   of   Uruku    or    Erech    ruled 

1  This,  however,  is  very  uncertain.  The  name  of  'Ammurabi  does 
not  occur,  and  that  of  Chedorlaomer  is  very  doubtful.  A  much  later 
invasion  by  Elamites  may  be  intended. 


1 6  EARLY    HISTORY. 

Babylon,  until  the  rise  of  a  second  Kassite 
dynasty,  which  appears  to  have  endured  side  by 
side  with  other  small  princes  till  Irba  -  Marduk 
established  an  Assyrian  dynasty  about  1012  B.C. 

In  speaking  later  more  in  detail  of  the  Hittite 
inscriptions,  the  reasons  will  be  given  for  sup- 
posing that  they  represent  the  language  and 
character  used  by  this  first  Kassite  or  Medic 
dynasty  in  Babylon.  The  script  in  question  has 
been  found  in  use,  not  only  in  North  Syria  and 
Asia  Minor,  but  also  at  Babylon  itself,  on  a 
votive  bowl  ;  and  on  seals,  from  Nineveh  and 
elsewhere,  which  appear  to  bear  the  names  of 
several  kings  of  this  age.  The  local  rulers  who, 
in  Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  have  left  us  their 
records  on  palace  walls,  or  cut  on  the  rocks  of 
boundary  passes,  speak  of  their  suzerain  at 
Babylon,  just  as  Gudea  at  Zirgul  acknowledges 
Dungi  of  Ur  as  his  master.  At  Mer'ash  in  the 
Taurus  we  probably  find  the  name  of  Sumuabi 
the  first  king  of  Babylon,  and  on  the  engraved 
lion  in  the  same  place  possibly  the  name  of 
Zabu  the  third  of  the  line,  to  whom  also  a  text 
at  Carchemish  is  dedicated,  while  a  seal  from 
Nineveh  may  be  his  as  well  :  others  may  bear 
the  names  of  Ebisum,  Ammi-Satana,  and  Ammi- 
Zaduga,  kings  of  the  1st  dynasty,  following  'Am- 
murabi,  who  was  the  sixth,  the  total  of  known 
names  being  eleven.  The  Elamite  supremacy 
under   Eriaku   is,   on   the   other  hand,    apparently 


HITT1TE    TEXTS.  1 7 

acknowledged  by  a  ruler  of  Aleppo,  and  at  Bulgar 
Maden,  a  pass  of  the  Taurus  north  of  Tarsus 
in  Cilicia.  Whether  'Ammurabi  himself  is  men- 
tioned, both  at  Babylon  and  also  as  far  west  as 
Mount  Sipylos  near  Smyrna,  is  more  doubtful ; 
but  the  unexpected  recovery  of  so  many  names 
belonging  to  one  period  serves  to  confirm  the 
decipherment  of  these  texts,  and  agrees  with  the 
fact  that  some  centuries  later  the  Hittites,  and 
the  Western  Asiatics  generally,  appear  to  have 
relinquished  their  own  script  in  favour  of  the 
cuneiform,  which  had  become  the  character 
generally  used  for  writing  letters.  Their  own 
emblems,  however,  still  appear,  as  late  as  1500 
B.C.  and  perhaps  later,  on  seals,  side  by  side 
with  early  cuneiform  signs  —  as  on  the  bilingual 
boss  of  Tarkondemos  and  the  seal  of  Abd-Iskhara. 
None  of  the  texts  of  Southern  Chaldea  are  as 
yet  known  to  be  in  this  newly  studied  char- 
acter. It  is  found  especially  in  the  north,  at 
Samosata  on  the  Euphrates,  at  Pteria  and  Eyuk 
east  of  the  lower  part  of  the  Halys  valley,  at 
various  sites  in  Cappadocia  and  Cilicia,  and  far 
west  in  Lydia  at  Karabel  and  Sipylos ;  while  sculp- 
tures of  the  same  class  with  those  inscribed  in 
"  Hittite  "  at  Carchemish  have  been  found,  on  the 
borders  of  Phrygia,  at  Ghiaur  Kalessi,  some  thirty 
miles  south-west  of  Angora,  and  at  Kalaba  im- 
mediately east  of  that  city.  A  text  of  three 
emblems    was    copied    by    Professor    Ramsay    at 


IS  EARLY    HISTORY. 

Doghanlu  Deresi  in  Phrygia  among  later  re- 
mains of  the  Aryan  Phrygians,  and  a  strange 
monument  at  Eflatun  Bunar  ("  Plato's  springs ") 
in  Galatia,  nine  miles  north  of  Caralis,  belongs 
probably  to  the  same  civilisation,  which  is  thus 
shown  to  have  extended  over  all  the  southern 
half  of  Asia  Minor.  In  the  north-east  of  Cap- 
padocia  no  such  monuments  have  been  found  in 
spite  of  diligent  search,  nor  are  they  known 
(excepting  seals  brought  from  Nineveh)  in  regions 
east  of  the  Euphrates.  In  Syria  they  occur  at 
Mer'ash,  Carchemish,  Aleppo,  and  Hamath,  while 
seals  have  been  brought  from  Tell  Bashar.  Far 
south  in  Philistia  a  seal  discovered  at  Lachish 
appears  to  give  Hittite  emblems  beside  an  Egyp- 
tian text,  and  the  Hittites  are  said  (Gen.  xxiii.)  to 
have  lived  at  Hebron  in  Abraham's  time,  though 
the  home  of  the  race  was  in   Northern  Syria.1 

It  has  long  been  held  by  scholars  like  Sir  H. 
Rawlinson  and  Dr  Birch  that  many  of  the  early 
tribes  of  this  region — the  Hittites,  the  Gamgums, 
the  Tablai,  and  Moschi  —  were  of  Turanian  or 
Mongol  race ;  and  the  evidence  of  language,  in- 
dependent of  the  texts  in  question,  will  be  found 
to  show  their  connection  with  the  Akkadians, 
Kassites,    and    Minni.       Such    tribes    were    allied 

1  The  Egyptian  emblems  on  the  Lachish  seal  have  not  been  read 
with  certainty.  There  are  five  Hittite  signs,  Nun  Mo-tur  dim- 
pi  ("The  seal  of  Lord  Motur").  This  was  a  Hittite  name  in  the 
time  of  Rameses  II. 


THE    ETRUSCANS.  19 

to  the  conquerors  of  Chaldea  .  who  first  founded 
Babylon ;  and  the  distribution  of  these  sculptures, 
which  bear  a  generally  admitted  resemblance  to 
later  Babylonian  art,  seems  to  show  that  the  first 
kings,  preceding  'Ammurabi,  directed  their  energies 
specially  to  conquest  in  the  north  and  west.  They 
penetrated  into  Cappadocia,  and  by  the  great 
southern  highway  they  followed  the  north  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean  as  far  as  Smyrna  —  either 
themselves  conquering  the  south  of  Anatolia  or 
claiming  kingship  over  the  tribes  who  advanced 
in  this  direction,  from  Syria,  into  the  country 
which  they  called  Kit-tit,  or  "the  sunset,"  after 
the  Kassite  name  (kit)  for  the  sun.  The  influ- 
ence of  Babylon  in  these  regions  continued  to 
be  felt  much  later,  as  will  appear  in  speaking 
of  the  texts  from  Elishah  and  from  Cappadocia 
written  in  the  Semitic  dialect  used  about  1500  B.C., 
or  later,  in  these  regions.  The  presence  of  Mongols 
in  Caria  and  Lydia  is  also  witnessed  by  the  sur- 
vival of  certain  words  in  the  languages  of  those 
regions  long  after  they  had  been  colonised  by 
Aryans ;  and  it  was  from  Lydia,  according  to 
Herodotus  (I.  94),  that  the  Etruscans — a  Turanian 
or  Mongol  race — reached  Italy  in  later  days. 

But  even  the  establishment  by  'Ammurabi  of  a 
Babylonian  empire  in  Western  Asia  does  not  rep- 
resent the  full  extension  of  Akkadian  power ;  for 
tribes  of  this  same  energetic  stock  found  their 
way    into    the    Nile    delta,    and    ruled    Northern 


20  EARLY    HISTORY. 

Egypt  from  Zoan  and  Avaris.  The  early  chron- 
ology of  Egypt  is  so  uncertain  that  the  period  of 
this  foreign  supremacy  cannot  be  fixed  with  any 
accuracy ;  but  it  would  seem  probable  that  the 
Hyksos,  who  were  contemporaries  of  the  weak 
13th  dynasty,  had  gained  power  at  Zoan  about 
2130  B.C.,  and  were  not  finally  expelled  till  about 
1700  B.C.  or  later.  That  they  included  among 
their  subjects  Semitic  tribes  from  Syria  there  are 
many  reasons  to  suppose ;  but  the  names  of  the 
Hyksos  kings  of  the  15th  dynasty  appear  to  be 
Mongol  and  not  Semitic,  and  they  are  stated  in 
Egyptian  records 1  to  have  called  themselves  Men 
or  Minni  —  coming  from  a  country  east  of  Syria 
and  near  Assyria.  Their  home  would  thus  ap- 
pear to  have  lain  west  of  Lake  Van  ;  and  in  this 
region  a  Mongol  race  called  Minni,  akin  to  the 
Kassites,  was  still  in  possession  in  the  fifteenth 
century  B.C. — the  whole  region  of  Matiene  between 
Lake  Van  and  Syria  being  then  known  to  the 
Semitic  tribes  as  the  Land  of  Khani-rabbat,  perhaps 
meaning  "  of  the  many  khans"  or  Mongol  kings. 

The  earliest  notice  of  the  relations  between 
Egypt  and  Asia  is  found  in  the  story  of  Saneha,2 
who  states  that  he  lived  under  the  founder  of 
the  great  12th  dynasty,  which  began  to  rule  all 
Egypt  from  Thebes  at  a  period  which  may  roughly 

1  Brugsch,  Hist.  Egypt,  vol.  i.  p.  234. 

2  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  452-45S  (1891-92).  Records 
of  the  Past  (New  Series),  vol.  ii.  p.  19. 


SANEHA.  21 

be  stated  as  2300  B.C.  The  Sinaitic  peninsula 
was  at  this  time  once  more  held  by  the  Egyptians 
— texts  of  Usertesen  I.,  son  of  the  founder  of  the 
dynasty  (Amenemhat  I.),  occurring  at  Wady  el 
Magharah,  and  at  Sarbut  el  Khadem  ;  while  Amen- 
emhat II. ,  who  was  the  third  king  of  the  dynasty, 
built  a  temple  at  the  last-named  place ;  and  the 
third  and  fourth  kings  of  the  same  name  (Amenem- 
hat) also  left  inscriptions  at  both  these  stations. 
It  is  under  the  fourth  king  (Usertesen  II.)  that 
the  Edomites  are  first  noticed  as  bringing  pres- 
ents to  Egypt,  but  not  until  the  end  of  the  dynasty 
did  the  Asiatics  attain  to  power  in  Zoan ;  and 
several  Theban  kings  of  the  13th  dynasty  appear 
to  have  reasserted  at  intervals  the  native  supremacy 
in  Goshen. 

Saneha  was  an  Egyptian  noble  who,  on  the  un- 
expected accession  of  Usertesen  I.,  fled  for  some 
unexplained  reason,  first  to  Edom  and  thence  to 
the  land  Aia  (probably  "the  shores"),  and  to 
Upper  Tonu,  regions  which  are  regarded  by 
Brugsch  as  Phoenician  (or  Fenekh)  lands.  They 
cannot  certainly  have  been  in  the  Edomite  desert, 
for  in  Aia  there  were  figs,  grapes,  olives,  and  corn, 
as  well  as  much  cattle ;  but  it  is  possible  that  the 
Hebron  hills  may  be  intended.  Egyptian  was 
spoken  in  Tonu,  but  the  king  of  this  region  bore 
the  very  Kassite- sounding  name  of  Ammiansi. 
He  was  assured  by  Saneha  that  the  Pharaoh  "  did 
not  covet  the  lands  to  the  north,"  but  was  intent 


22  EARLY    HISTORY. 

on  conquests  in  Upper  Egypt.  Among  the  Asiatics 
Saneha  lived  till  he  was  old,  marrying  the  king's 
daughter  and  commanding  the  archer  troops,  who 
were  sent  "  afar  off  to  strike  and  drive  back  princes 
of  foreign  lands."  He  finally  made  his  peace  with 
Usertesen,  and  leaving  all  his  possessions  to  his 
half-bred  sons,  he  returned  to  be  buried  in  Egypt. 
In  his  speech  to  the  Pharaoh  he  mentions  Maki 
of  Edom,  and  another  chief,  as  though  in  habitual 
correspondence  with  Thebes,  and  his  attendants 
were  sent  home  in  an  Egyptian  ship.  It  seems, 
therefore,  that  peaceful  relations  existed  at  this 
time  between  the  rulers  of  Egypt  and  the  Asiatics, 
and  that  Egyptian  influence  was  already  beginning 
to  assert  itself  for  some  distance  north  of  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula. 

Of  the  Hyksos  we  know  but  little  from  any 
monuments.  They  are  said  by  Greek  writers  to 
have  been  Arabs  or  Phoenicians,  and  many  Semitic 
words  certainly  found  their  way  about  this  time, 
or  later,  into  the  Egyptian  language ;  but  similar 
loan  terms  also  are  to  be  found  which  are  of 
Mongol  origin,  and  it  is  possible  that  in  Goshen, 
as  in  Asia,  the  Semitic  people  at  this  compara- 
tively early  time  were  ruled  by  Mongol  princes. 
Certain  monuments  from  Zoan,  which  used  to  be 
attributed  to  the  Hyksos,  seem  now  to  be  regarded 
as  native  work,  appropriated  by  such  foreign  rulers 
as  Apepa  the  Second,  whose  name  is  scratched 
upon    one   of  them.      A   curious   account    of    the 


APEPA.  23 

Hyksos  attempt  to  fix  a  quarrel  on  the  Pharaoh 
Ra-Sekanen,  "king  of  the  south  " — who  may  have 
belonged  to  the  13th  dynasty — has  survived,  and 
gives  some  valuable  information,  though  the  his- 
toric character  of  the  story  is  doubted.1  We  here 
learn  that  Egypt  was  oppressed  by  "  the  unclean," 
and  that  On  or  Heliopolis  was  ruled  by  Ra-Apepa 
from  Hauaru  or  Avaris  in  Goshen  : — 

All  the  land  paid  him  tribute  with  its  manufactured 
products,  and  thus  loaded  him  with  all  the  good  things 
of  Lower  Egypt  [or  "  the  north  "].  Now  King  Ra-Apepa 
took  the  god  Sutekh  for  his  master,  and  no  longer  served 
any  god  of  the  country  save  Sutekh,  and  he  built  a  temple 
of  excellent  and  imperishable  workmanship  at  the  gate  of 
King  Ra-Apepa,  and  rose  daily  to  sacrifice  daily  victims 
to  Sutekh. 

Sutekh  or  Set  being  a  deity  worshipped  as  su- 
preme by  the  Hittites,  this  statement,  taken  with 
considerations  already  noticed,  leads  us  to  sup- 
pose that  Apepa  was  a  Mongol  of  race  akin  to  the 
Kassites.  It  may  hereafter  be  discovered  that 
these  foreigners  built  and  wrote  in  native  style ; 
but  as  yet  nothing  that  can  certainly  be  regarded 
as  Hyksos  work  is  known,  except  the  scarabs  of 
the  two  Apepis,  and  the  name  of  the  latter  on 
monuments  apparently  re-used.  These  names  are 
in  Egyptian  characters,  which  may  have  been  the 
only  ones  in  use  in  Goshen. 

It  was  during  the  Hyksos  period  that  Joseph 
was    brought    down   to    Egypt,    and    we    are    told 

1  Records  of  the  Past  (New  Series),  vol.  ii.  p.  37. 


24  EARLY    HISTORY. 

(Gen.  xliii.  32)  that  Hebrews,  and  shepherds 
generally  (xlvi.  34  ;  Exod.  viii.  26),  were  loathed 
by  the  Egyptians.  But  under  Asiatic  rulers  they 
throve  peacefully  until,  about  1700  b.c,  the  "new 
king "  arose  in  Thebes,  when  Ahmes,  first  of  the 
great  18th  dynasty,  began  to  reassert  the  power 
of  the  native  Pharaohs,  and  to  push  back  Mon- 
gols and  Semitic  settlers  alike  into  Asia.  A  new 
chapter  of  history  begins  with  this  accession  of 
a  dynasty  which  seems  to  have  been  partly  of 
Nubian  origin ;  and  within  about  a  century  the 
suzerainty  of  all  Palestine  and  Syria  was  wrested 
from  the  Babylonian  overlords,  and  the  power 
of  the  Pharaohs  established  and  maintained  for 
about  two  hundred  years. 

These  successes  were  mainly  due  to  the  energy 
of  the  new  Theban  dynasty,  but  also  perhaps  in 
a  measure  to  the  internal  dissensions  within  the 
Babylonian  empire.  We  have  unfortunately  very 
little  information  as  to  events  in  Asia  preceding 
the  Egyptian  conquests,  but  there  appears  to  be 
no  doubt  that  the  Semitic  race  was  rising  steadily 
in  importance,  and  beginning  to  press  on  its 
Kassite  masters  from  Assyria.  Originally  this 
region  was  ruled  by  patesis,  or  princes  subject  to 
Babylon,  of  whom  the  earliest  known  was  Ismi- 
Dagon  about  1850  b.c.  ;  but  some  two  centuries 
later,  about  the  time  when  the  first  Egyptian 
onset  in  Asia  took  place,  Bel  -  Kapkapu  founded 
the   independent    kingdom   of  Assyria,   having   its 


ASSYRIA.  25 

capital  at  Asshur  south  of  Nineveh.  The  famous 
city  on  the  Tigris,  which  became  later  the  mis- 
tress of  Asia  and  of  Egypt,  was  probably  not 
yet  built,  and  is  not  known  monumentally  before 
the  fifteenth  century  B.C. ;  but  Asshur  on  the 
Tigris  became,  after  1700  B.C.,  the  centre  of  the 
first  Semitic  kingdom  known  to  history,  and 
though,  about  1500  B.C.,  Rimmon-Nirari  —  appa- 
rently an  Assyrian  ruler — wrote  to  Thothmes  IV. 
as  to  a  superior,  half  a  century  later  Assur-Uballid 
writes  to  the  successor  of  Amenophis  IV.  as  an 
equal,  and  calls  himself  the  "  great  king  of 
Assyria."  The  former  was  asking  for  aid  against 
the  Hittites,  the  latter  was  himself  a  conqueror 
of  the  Kassites  in  Babylon.  The  first  great 
shock  to  the  Mongol  power  in  Asia  was  due 
to  Egyptian  conquests,  but  its  final  ruin  was 
brought  about  by  the  power  of  the  Semitic  race 
in  Assyria.  The  history  of  this  important  period, 
between  1700  and  1200  B.C.,  may  be  reserved  for 
another  chapter.  Thus  far  we  have  dealt  with 
the  main  outlines  of  history  during  the  palmy 
days  of  Mongol  rule  in  Asia,  when  the  kings  of 
Ur  and  of  Babylon  were  without  rivals,  and  when 
contests  only  occurred  between  the  two  great 
branches  of  the  Mongol  race  —  the  Sumerians  of 
the  south,  and  the  Kassite  or  Akkadian  con- 
querors in  the  north,  who  succeeded  to  the  im- 
perial power  which  had  been  enjoyed  for  several 
generations  by  the  kings  of  Elam. 


26 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

Ahmes  (the  "moon  child"),  founder  of  the  great 
1 8th  dynasty,  was  the  first  Pharaoh  who  succeeded 
in  wresting  the  land  of  Goshen  from  the  Hyksos, 
and  he  fought  against  the  Asiatics  at  Sharuhen 
east  of  Gaza,  on  the  borders  of  Palestine.  In  his 
sixth  year  he  invaded  Zahi,  a  region  which  seems 
to  have  lain  on  the  lower  Hebron  hills.  But  the 
conquest  of  Lower  Egypt  was  not  yet  complete, 
and  Amenophis  I.,  successor  of  Ahmes,  appears 
to  have  been  at  peace  with  Asia  during  a  reign 
said  to  have  lasted  twenty-one  years.  The  first 
conqueror  of  Syria  was  Thothmes  I.,  third  king 
of  the  dynasty,  whose  wars  were  in  Ruten  (or 
Luden),  the  Egyptian  name  for  all  the  coast  lands 
as  far  as  the  Taurus  mountains.  He  even  ad- 
vanced into  Naharina  —  the  Aram  Naharaim  or 
"plateau  of  the  two  rivers"  which  in  the  Bible 
represents  the  northern  part  of  Mesopotamia. 
Thothmes    II.    succeeded    him,    and    fought    the 


THOTHMES    THE    THIRD.  2"] 

Shasu,  or  "wandering"  tribes  of  Southern  Pales- 
tine. His  reign  appears  to  have  been  a  short  one, 
and  Egypt  was  ruled  after  his  death  by  Queen 
Hatasu  his  daughter,  the  guardian  of  her  younger 
brother,  the  most  famous  and  successful  of  the 
Pharaohs — Thothmes  III. 

The  mummy  of  this  remarkable  man,  when  un- 
rolled at  Boulak  in  1882,  presented  in  perfect 
condition  the  features  of  a  conquerer  who  reigned 
for  fifty-four  years,  though,  for  sixteen  or  more, 
the  influence  of  Hatasu  seems  to  have  restrained 
him  from  war  during  his  boyhood  and  youth.  The 
slight  form  and  low  stature,  the  delicate  features 
and  aquiline  nose,  of  the  Egyptian  Alexander 
denoted  a  king  well  fitted  for  a  soldier's  life ; 
and  from  his  twentieth  to  his  fortieth  year  the 
annals  of  his  reign  are  full  of  records  of  con- 
quests in  Asia,  no  less  than  fifteen  campaigns 
being  conducted  through  Palestine  and  Syria  even 
as  far  as  Assyria,  and  a  regular  military  occupation 
of  all  the  plains  of  Philistia,  Galilee,  and  Bashan, 
of  Phoenicia  and  the  Orontes  valley,  being  organ- 
ised, by  a  chain  of  "  resting-places,"  where  the 
Egyptian  detachments  were  supplied  by  the 
Syrians  with  rations  of  bread,  wine,  oil,  honey, 
balm,  wheat,  barley,  spelt,  and  various  fruits. 
In  the  fifteenth  year  a  campaign  against  Ruten 
is  mentioned ;  and  at  this  time  Sinai  was  probably 
already  held,  since  an  inscription  of  Hatasu  occurs 
in  the  sixteenth  at   Sarbut  el   Khadem.     Philistia 


28      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

also  appears  to  have  submitted  early  in  the  reign 
of  the  joint  sovereigns,  and  the  first  real  struggle 
began  in  the  twenty-second  year  of  Thothmes  III.1 
A  great  confederacy  of  Syrian  tribes  had  gathered 
at  Megiddo,  the  famous  fortress  which  barred  the 
road  to  Damascus  at  the  mouth  of  the  valley  of 
Jezreel.  It  included  not  only  the  prince  of  Kadesh 
— perhaps  the  great  Hittite  city  on  the  Orontes — 
but  also  chiefs  from  lands  claimed  by  Egypt,  with 
the  Khar  or  Phoenicians,  the  Katu  possibly  from 
Cilicia,  and  the  princes  of  Naharina  beyond  the 
Euphrates.  In  the  spring  of  the  twenty  -  third 
year  Thothmes  arrived  by  ship  from  Egypt,  and 
camped  at  Yehem,  which  was  perhaps  the  mod- 
ern Yemma  in  the  Sharon  plain  north-west  of 
Shechem.  He  found  his  troops  holding  the  high- 
road of  Aaruna,  probably  that  which  leads  by  a 
main  valley  north  of  'Arrabeh  to  the  inland  plain 
of  Dothan.  The  royal  advisers  wished  to  march 
north  by  Gitta  of  Samaria  —  lying  immediately 
north  of  Yemma  —  and  thus  apparently  to  cross 
the  downs  south  of  Carmel,  but  considerably 
north  of  Megiddo.  "  Let  us  go,"  they  said,  "  north 
of  Megiddo " ;  but  Thothmes  chose  the  shorter 
and  more  difficult  direct  route.  "  I  will  go,"  he 
said,  "  on  this  road  of  Aaruna  if  there  be  any 
going  on  it."  The  towns  of  Dothan  and  'Ajja, 
which  lie  near  this  route,  are  noticed  among  those 

1  Records   of  the    Past    (Old    Series),    vol.    ii.  :   "  The    Battle    of 
Megiddo." 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MEGIDDO.  29 

he  captured,  with  others  on  either  side  of  the  line 
of  advance,  which  led  into  the  great  plain  of 
Lower  Galilee  by  Jenin.  The  Egyptian  vanguard 
"  coming  out  of  the  valley  "  into  these  plains,  went 
forward,  while  the  southern  "horn,"  or  rearguard, 
camped  at  the  "waters  of  Kaina  south  of  Megiddo," 
by  which  the  fine  springs  of  Jenin  maybe  intended. 
The  actual  contest  appears  to  have  been  short, 
and  the  "  vile  foes  of  Kadesh,"  with  their  allies  of 
Megiddo,  fled  to  the  fortress,  and  were  hauled  over 
its  walls  by  their  clothes.  The  Egyptians  then 
besieged  the  city,  which  submitted,  and  an  enor- 
mous spoil,  attesting  the  wealth  and  civilisation  of 
the  Canaanites,  was  gathered  in  by  the  victors. 

The  articles  enumerated  included  horses,  and 
chariots  plated  with  gold  and  silver;  an  ark  of 
gold ;  a  silver  statue ;  thrones  inlaid  with  ivory, 
ebony,  and  gold,  and  made  of  cedar;  maces  in- 
laid with  gold  (such  as  are  represented  on  Hittite 
sculptures  in  the  hands  of  kings) ;  and  images  of 
ebony  with  golden  heads.  A  great  cup  of  Phoe- 
nician workmanship  is  specially  noticed,  with  other 
vessels,  and  seven  poles  of  the  royal  tent  plated 
with  silver.  To  these  treasures,  some  of  which 
were  inlaid  also  with  gems,  are  added  many  others 
— such  as  ring-money  of  gold  and  silver,  painted 
chariots,  coats  of  mail,  swords  and  other  weapons, 
rich  cloths,  innumerable  flocks  and  herds,  horses 
and  mares,  with  wine  in  jars,  and  objects  of  lapis- 
lazuli,   turquoise,    and    alabaster.     The    Egyptians 


30      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

reaped  280,200  bushels  of  corn  in  the  Galilean 
plains,  besides  what  was  trampled  down.  They 
took  hostages  and  numerous  prisoners,  and  by  this 
first  decisive  victory  they  became  masters  of  the 
plains  as  far  as  the  foot  of  the  Galilean  mountains. 
A  year  was  passed  in  peace,  and  a  temple  was 
founded  at  Thebes ;  but  the  subjugation  of  the 
country  continued,  and  the  list  of  119  towns 
conquered  in  Palestine  includes  not  only  those 
of  Philistia,  Sharon,  the  Dothan  and  Esdraelon 
plains,  but  also  others  in  Upper  Galilee,  and  in 
Bashan  extending  to  Ashteroth-Carnaim,  and  to 
Damascus  itself.  The  subsequent  campaigns  from 
the  twenty  -  fifth  to  the  fortieth  year  carried  the 
power  of  Thothmes  III.  yet  farther  to  Phoenicia, 
Syria,  and  Aram.  In  the  fifth  campaign,  and  in  his 
twenty-ninth  year,  he  took  the  fortress  of  Kadesh, 
and  laid  waste  the  lands  of  Tunep  (or  Tennib, 
north  of  Arpad),  cutting  down  trees  and  reap- 
ing corn.  He  proceeded  in  the  sixth  campaign 
next  year  to  Arvad  on  the  Phoenician  coast,  and 
sent  back  by  ship  to  Egypt  the  corn,  wine,  slaves, 
and  treasures  there  found.  The  route  then  taken 
lay  by  Semyra,  an  important  town  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Eleutherus,  west  of  Kadesh.  The  spoils 
and  tribute  enumerated  in  the  "  Statistical  Tablet  " 
are  similar  to  those  already  described ;  and  on  an 
obelisk  it  is  recorded  that  Thothmes  "passed 
through  the  whole  extent  of  Naharina"  (probably 
in  the  thirty-first  year  or  seventh  expedition)  "as 


SYRIAN    ART.  3  I 

a  victorious  warrior  at  the  head  of  his  army, 
placing  his  boundary  at  the  horn  of  the  world — 
the  lands  of  the  further  waters  of  Naharina."  He 
then  set  up  two  memorials  by  the  Euphrates, 
where  a  tablet  by  his  father  (or  ancestor — perhaps 
Thothmes  I.)  already  existed,  and  passed  on  to 
Nini  —  probably  Ninus  Vetus  on  the  Euphrates. 
The  spoils  included  lapis-lazuli  from  Babylon,  and 
Asiatic  ivory.  In  the  thirty-ninth  year  (the  four- 
teenth campaign)  an  expedition  to  Zahi  was  under- 
taken, and  among  the  articles  of  tribute  we  find 
mention  of  manna,  and  natron,  incense,  dates  both 
fresh  and  dried,  oil,  honey,  wine,  and  corn.  In 
this  year  the  chief  of  the  Kheta  or  Hittites 
brought  gold  and  negro  slaves,  and  a  boat -load 
of  ivory,  with  other  gifts.  In  the  fortieth  and 
forty-second  years  the  tribute  of  Assyria  is  noticed, 
and  included  many  precious  gems,  with  chariots 
and  vessels  of  various  metals,  vines,  figs,  mul- 
berries, and  cedar-wood.  The  high  prosperity  of 
Syria  and  Aram,  under  the  Mongol  suzerains 
before  the  Egyptian  conquest,  is  attested  by  these 
lists;  and  the  art  of  their  repousse  metal- work  is 
described  and  pictured  on  the  Egyptian  sculp- 
tures— including  many  vases  adorned  with  heads 
of  eagles,  bulls,  and  lions — which  represent  a  civil- 
isation at  least  equal  to  that  of  Egypt,  and  ex- 
tending over  the  whole  of  Western  Asia  south  of 
the  Taurus.  Even  Cyprus  is  supposed  to  be 
noticed    (under   the    name   of  Asebi)    as    tributary 


32       THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

to  Egypt,  and  may  easily  have  been  reached  by 
the  fleets  which  were  then  sailing  in  the  Medi- 
terranean as  well  as  in  the  Red  Sea. 

A  further  list  of  231  cities  in  Syria,  north  of 
Palestine,  is  given  on  the  temple  walls  at  Karnak. 
In  some  cases  the  names  are  Semitic,  and  in  others 
they  appear  to  be  Mongolic,  and  survive  in  the 
Turkish  nomenclature  of  our  own  time.  None  of 
the  south  Phoenician  cities  (such  as  Tyre,  Sidon, 
Beirut,  Batrun,  and  Gebal)  are  noticed,  and  it 
would  seem  that  Thothmes  advanced  from  Dam- 
ascus into  the  Orontes  valley,  to  Kadesh  and 
Tunep,  and  only  reached  the  sea  by  the  Eleutherus 
valley  at  Semyra,  thence  pushing  north  to  Arvad 
and  Paltos  (now  Baldeh)  ;  but  it  is  possible  that 
the  Phoenicians  may  have  offered  tribute  after  the 
battle  of  Megiddo.  Among  the  more  important 
Syrian  towns  are  mentioned  Hamath,  Tunep, 
'Azzaz,  Nereb,  and  Tereb,  south  of  Aleppo ;  Urum 
on  the  Euphrates,  above  Birejik  ;  and  Sarnuka, 
east  of  the  river.  Carchemish  and  Aleppo  are 
also  noticed,  and  Rezeph  in  the  desert  south  of 
Tiphsah,  with  Pethor  farther  north  and  west  of 
the  Euphrates.  Samalla,  a  famous  town  near  the 
pass  leading  down  to  the  Gulf  of  Issus,  may  per- 
haps be  recognised  in  Samalua ;  but  the  northern 
Hittites  of  Mer'ash  seem  to  have  remained  un- 
conquered  in  their  mountains.  The  list  refers 
mainly  to  cities  in  the  plains  and  valleys,  and 
on   the    great    highways    from    Egypt    to   Assyria, 


ASIATIC    ELEPHANTS.  S3 

where   the    chariots    of  Thothmes    could  be    used 
in  war. 

The  interesting  memoir  of  an  Egyptian  captain, 
who  fought  under  Thothmes  III.  in  later  years,  but 
not  apparently  as  early  as  the  battle  of  Megiddo, 
refers  to  the  same  regions.  His  first  services 
were  in  Nekeb  —  perhaps  the  Negeb  or  south  of 
Palestine  —  but  he  crossed  "the  waters  of  Na- 
harina "  near  Carchemish,  and  cut  off  the  trunk 
of  an  elephant  close  to  the  Euphrates  at  Ni  (or 
Ninus  Vetus),  saving  the  king,  who  was  hunting 
a  herd  of  120  for  their  tusks :  while  at  Kadesh 
he  disembowelled  a  wild  mare  set  loose  by  the 
Hittite  king  and  took  its  tail  as  a  trophy.1 

The  last  fourteen  years  of  Thothmes  III.  were 
spent  peacefully  in  building  temples,  and  Amen- 
ophis  II.,  who  succeeded  him,  appears  also  to 
have  reigned  quietly  over  the  new  empire,  ex- 
tending north  for  500  miles  from  the  borders  of 
Egypt.  In  the  great  changes  wrought  by  these 
important  conquests  the  Semitic  tribes  seem  to 
have  willingly  accepted  their  new  master,  and 
relied  in  future  on  Egypt  for  aid  against  Babylon. 
The  2nd  Kassite  dynasty  was  no  longer  supreme 
like  the  1st,  for  Assyria  was  independent,  and 
about  1440  B.C.  Burnaburias  calls  himself  only 
"  king  of  Karadunias  "  or  Babylonia.  The  Hittite 
tribes  are  very  little  noticed  at  this  period,  the 
name  not   having  as  yet   become  familiar    to  the 

1  Records  of  the  Past  (Old  Series),  vol.  iv.  p.  6. 
C 


34      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

Egyptians ;  but  the  policy  of  the  Pharaohs  seems 
to  have  been  directed  to  strengthening  their  posi- 
tion by  marriage  alliances,  not  only  with  kings 
of  Babylon,  but  with  the  northern  Mongols  of 
Matiene,  who  were  directly  in  communication 
with  the  Hittites. 

The  population  of  Syria  had,  in  great  measure, 
become  Semitic  in  consequence  of  Aramean  migra- 
tions from  Assyria,  and  was  represented  in  the 
north  by  the  Phoenicians  along  the  coast,  and 
by  the  Amorites  in  Lebanon  and  at  Tunep.  The 
region  of  Elishah — probably  in  Ciiicia — together 
with  Cappadocia,  appears  already  to  have  used 
the  cuneiform  script ;  and  as  the  former  region 
was  hostile  to  the  Hittites,  and  to  the  Ligyes  of 
the  Taurus,  it  seems  probable  that  the  popu- 
lation was  mainly  Semitic.  In  Palestine  itself 
the  names  of  towns  noticed  on  the  Karnak  lists 
appear  to  be  all  Semitic.  Many  of  them  are 
familiar  Old  Testament  sites,  but  the  forms  of  the 
words  are  Aramean  rather  than  Hebrew,  repre- 
senting the  language  of  Semitic  Canaanites  and 
Amorites  then  dwelling  as  a  settled  population 
in  villages  and  cities. 

The  aid  of  Thothmes  IV.  was  invoked  by 
Rimmon-Nirari  against  the  Hittites  of  Mer'ash 
about  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  B.C., 
and  this  help  was  apparently  given,  since  we 
have  an  allusion  to  his  "first  campaign  in  Naha- 
rina " :    but   it   is  also   known   that   he   contracted 


THE    M1NYANS.  35 

a  marriage  with  a  daughter  of  the  Minyan  prince 
Sitatama,  then  ruling  over  the  land  of  Mitanni 
or  Matiene  in  Armenia.  The  Egyptian  advances 
seem  to  have  been  regarded  at  first  with  sus- 
picion, and  the  alliance  was  refused  for  a  long 
time ;  but  it  was  further  strengthened  on  the  ac- 
cession of  Amenophis  III.,  who  applied  in  his 
tenth  year  to  Suttarna  the  son  of  Sitatama  for 
the  hand  of  his  daughter  Gilukhepa.  An  inscrip- 
tion on  a  scarab 1  refers  to  her  appearance  in 
Egypt  with  a  train  of  317  persons,  and  other 
references  to  her  are  found  in  the  Tell  Amarna 
Tablets.  Yet  earlier  Amenophis  III.  had  married 
the  famous  princess  Thi,  who  seems  also  to  have 
been  connected  with  Armenia,  as  well  as  a 
relative  of  Callimmasin,  king  of  Babylon.  His 
reign  lasted  for  thirty-six  years,  and  appears  to 
have  been  fairly  prosperous  throughout.  He  is 
called  the  "  smiter  of  the  Eastern  foreigners," 
and  in  his  hunting  expeditions  on  the  Assyrian 
borders  he  slew  102  lions.  But  in  his  later 
years  —  perhaps  about  1480  B.C.  or  earlier  — 
troubles  arose  in  the  north,  which  presaged  the 
disasters  of  the  following  reign. 

Suttarna,  the  friendly  king  of  Mitanni,  was 
murdered,  and  his  son  Artasumara  was  allied 
to  the  independent  Hittites,  while  at  the  same 
time  the  city  of  Semyra  was  attacked  by  the 
Amorite    Abdasherah    ("  servant    of    the    goddess 

1  Records  of  the  Past  (Old  Series),  vol.  xii.  p.  39. 


6      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 


Asherah  "),  who  also  advanced  on  Ribadda,  king 
of  Gebal.  Of  this  war  we  have  many  notices  in 
the  earlier  letters  of  the  Tell  Amarna  collection, 
and  Ribadda  informs  us  that,  by  aid  of  Amen- 
ophis  III.,  the  Amorite  advance  was  stayed  for 
a  time.  The  hostile  alliance  included  not  only 
the  Minni  under  Artasumara,  and  the  Amorites 
under  Abdasherah,  but  also  the  Kasi  or  Kassites, 
the  Hittites  of  Mer'ash,  and  the  king  of  Zinzar, 
a  region  east  of  the  Hittites.  The  invaders 
advanced  on  Damascus,  and  overran  Bashan, 
where  they  were  met  by  the  Egytian  general 
Yankhamu.1  But  the  Egyptian  success  was 
doubtful,  and  Yankhamu  appears  to  have  been 
defeated.  In  the  south,  the  'Abiri  or  Hebrews 
attacked  the  Judean  hills  (about  1480  B.C.),  and 
penetrated  by  Ajalon  to  the  Philistine  plains, 
reducing  Ascalon,  Lachish,  Keilah,  Zorah,  and 
other  places  to  tribute.  The  pitati  or  "archer" 
garrison  of  Jerusalem  had  been  withdrawn,  just 
before  this  invasion  from  the  "land  of  Seir," 
and  several  Canaanite  chiefs  in  the  neighbour- 
hood complain  in  their  letters  of  the  loss  of 
this  guard.  The  alliances  of  Egypt  proved,  how- 
ever, very  useful  in  the  north,  and  on  the  acces- 
sion of  Kurigalzu  the  Babylonians  refused  to  aid 

1  See  my  translations  ("Tell  Amarna  Tablets")  of  the  letters  from 
the  Berlin  Collection  numbered  I,  42,  43,  45,  52,  61,  79,  86,  101  ; 
and  Brit.  Museum  Collection,  Nos.  1,  2,  9,  10,  18,  21,  24,  25,  44, 
57,  62. 


TADUKHEPAS    MARRIAGE.  tf 

the  Canaanites  in  their  revolt,  while  Artasumara 
was  defeated  by  his  brother  Dusratta,  who  at- 
tacked the  Hittites  from  the  east  and  swept 
over  Northern  Phoenicia. 

The  temporary  successes  thus  secured  were 
celebrated  by  a  further  alliance  between  the  king 
of  Mitanni  and  the  Pharaoh  ;  and  Tadukhepa,  the 
daughter  of  Dusratta,  became  the  bride  of  Ameno- 
phis  IV.,  the  heir  of  Egypt,  within  the  lifetime  of 
his  father  Amenophis  III.  The  lists  of  her  dowry 
give  us  a  very  clear  view  of  the  wealth  and  civil- 
isation of  Matiene  under  its  Mongol  rulers  in  the 
fifteenth  century  B.C.1  The  gifts  sent  with  this 
princess  included  objects  of  gold,  silver,  copper, 
tin,  and  iron,  necklaces  and  bracelets,  earrings, 
anklets,  and  signet-rings,  with  robes  adorned  with 
thin  leaves  and  fringes  of  gold,  and  embroidered 
in  crimson,  green,  and  other  colours.  They  were 
carried  in  wooden  boxes.  There  were  also  precious 
vases  of  bronze ;  and  eighteen  different  kinds  of 
gems  are  named,  including  jade,  agate,  and  possibly 
pearls,  with  amethysts  and  rubies.  Tusks  of  ivory 
are  also  mentioned,  and  a  chariot  and  camel-litter. 
These  last  were  adorned  with  carved  figures  of 
lions  and  eagles  in  gold,  reminding  us  of  the  art 
of  Troy  and  Mycenae  belonging  to  the  same  age. 
That  the  possessors  of  this  wealth  were  Mongols 
is  shown  by  the  long  letter  —  some  five  hundred 
lines  of  cuneiform,  occupying  a  large  tablet — which 

:  Berlin  Collection,  Nos.  25,  26. 


38       THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

Dusratta  sent  in  connection  with  the  negotiations 
for  the  marriage.  It  begins  with  a  salutation  in 
Assyrian,  but  the  rest  of  it  is  in  the  native  lan- 
guage of  Mitanni — a  dialect  akin  to  the  Kassite, 
Akkadian,  and  later  Mongol  speech  of  Media. 
The  rest  of  the  nine  letters  written  by  this  king 
to  Amenophis  III.  and  Amenophis  IV.  are  in 
Assyrian,  which  seems  to  have  been  better  under- 
stood in  Egypt ;  for  the  kings  of  Babylon  also 
employed  that  language,  though  texts  of  Kurigalzu 
and  Burnaburias  at  home  are  Akkadian.  Out  of 
all  the  great  collection  of  more  than  300  letters 
found  at  Tell  Amarna  —  the 'palace  of  the  18th 
dynasty  between  Thebes  and  Memphis — only  two 
are  in  Mongol  speech,  the  second  being  from 
Tarkhundara,1  the  Hittite  prince  of  the  land  of 
Ikatai  near  Rezeph.  The  connection  between  his 
dialect  and  the  Akkadian  has  already  been  admitted 
by  specialists  in  Germany,  but  the  translation  is 
uncertain,  though  it  clearly  refers  to  the  despatch 
of  a  daughter  to  Egypt,  and  enumerates  the  Hittite 
gifts  which  accompanied  the  messenger.  Rezeph, 
however,  was  much  farther  south  than  Mer'ash, 
which  was  the  centre  of  resistance  against  Egypt 
about  this  time. 

The  victories  of  Dusratta  over  the  Hittites  led 
to  peace  in  Syria  till  the  death  of  Amenophis  III., 
who  "  when  he  was  forced  to  go  to  his  fate  "  -  was 

1  Berlin  Collection,  No.  10. 

-  Ibid.,  No.  24,  line  55,  obverse.     Siniti  sit  ci  illicit  ictabuus. 


THE    REVOLT    OF    SYRIA.  39 

bewailed  by  his  Armenian  brother-in-law,  in  a 
pathetic  letter  to  the  widowed  queen  Thi  and  her 
son.  Already  there  were  signs  of  the  approaching 
fall  of  the  great  Egyptian  dynasty.  The  garrisons 
had  been  withdrawn  in  the  south,  and  all  the 
Judean  hills  were  conquered  by  the  'Abiri  or 
Hebrews.  Communication  with  Phoenicia  seems 
to  have  been  mainly  by  sea,  and  Dusratta  speaks 
of  the  insecurity  of  the  Syrian  route,  which  was 
again  interrupted.  Aziru,  the  Amorite  chief  of 
Tunep,  professed,  indeed,  allegiance  to  Egypt,  and 
honourably  received  Khai,  the  Egyptian  envoy. 
But  his  father  Abdasherah  had  been  equally  eager 
to  receive  a  paka  or  Egyptian  resident,  though  he 
made  war  on  Semyra  and  Gebal ;  and  Aziru,  who 
writes  as  to  his  fears  of  the  Hittite  king  of  Mer'ash, 
again  finally  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  rebels,  and 
advanced  southwards  in  the  reign  of  Amenophis 
IV.,  in  alliance  with  the  king  of  Nereb  near 
Aleppo,  and  with  Edugama  the  Mongol  ruler 
of  Kadesh  on  Orontes.  He  was  proclaimed  a 
rebel,  and  the  surrender  of  certain  criminals  was 
demanded  by  Khani  the  Egyptian  ;  but  the  new 
allies  swept  down  the  valley  of  the  Eleutherus, 
and  took  Semyra,  Batrun,  Gebal,  Beirut,  and 
Sidon.  Edugama  attacked  Sidon  and  wasted 
Bashan  ;  and  the  fleet  of  Arvad,  which  cut  off 
the  Egyptian  ships  coming  to  relieve  Gebal,  also 
aided  the  Amorites  in  the  siege  of  Tyre.  From 
every  quarter  came   cries   for  aid,  but   the  letters 


40      THE   EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

contain  no  indication  that  it  was  ever  given. 
Within  the  lifetime  of  Amenophis  IV.  the  whole 
of  the  Egyptian  conquests  appear  to  have  been 
lost,  and  after  his  death  (or  murder)  weak  kings 
succeeded  each  other  until,  about  1400  B.C.,  the 
18th  dynasty  was  overthrown. 

The  Hittites  of  Mer'ash,  Carchemish,  Aleppo, 
and  Kadesh  appear  for  about  a  century  to  have 
thus  regained  their  freedom.  There  is  no  mention 
of  any  aid  given  during  this  second  war  by 
either  Mitanni  or  the  Kassites.  Burnaburias,  son 
of  Kurigalzu,  in  Babylon,  was  allied  by  marriage 
to  Amenophis  IV.,  to  whom  he  sent  friendly 
letters.  But  he  was  oppressed  by  the  rising 
power  of  the  Assyrians  until  (about  1430  B.C.) 
he  agreed  to  the  settlement  of  a  boundary  be- 
tween Assyria  and  Babylon.  He  then  married 
the  daughter  of  Assur-Uballid,  the  Assyrian  king, 
who  was  also  well  disposed  to  Egypt.  At  a 
somewhat  later  period  the  latter  advanced  over 
the  Euphrates,  to  quell  what  he  describes  as  a 
general  rising  of  the  various  tribes,  and  he  appears 
to  have  besieged  Beirut,  undermining  its  walls 
and  carrying  captives  thence.  Meanwhile  the 
Kassites  rebelled  against  Kara-Urutas,  son  of  Bur- 
naburias and  of  the  daughter  of  Assur-Uballid, 
and  set  up  a  usurper  named  Nazibugas.  The 
Assyrian  monarch  advanced  on  Babylon  and 
dethroned    this    upstart,    placing    Kurigalzu    II. — 


CAPPADOCIAN    TABLETS.  41 

a  younger  son  of  Burnaburias — on  the  throne 
about  1400  B.C.  The  Kassites  thus  became  de- 
pendent on  Assyria ;  and  about  half  a  century 
later,  when  Nazi-Urutas  quarrelled  with  Rimmon- 
Nirari  of  Assyria,  he  was  defeated,  and  a  new 
border  established  between  the  two  kingdoms. 
The  Kassite  dynasty,  which  counted  in  all  thirty- 
six  kings  during  a  period  of  577  years,  continued 
to  rule  Babylonia  till  about  1012  B.C.,  but  they 
had  no  power  sufficient  to  oppose  the  ever-in- 
creasing strength  of  Assyria,  and  no  longer 
played  a  part  in  the  history  of  events  west  of 
the  Euphrates. 

To  the  early  Assyrian  age  (the  fifteenth  century 
B.C.)  may  perhaps  be  ascribed  the  rude  cuneiform 
texts,  written  in  the  Assyrian  language,  which 
have  been  found  in  Cappadocia.1  One  of  these, 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  is  a  trader's  letter 
regarding  certain  goods — probably  cloths  such 
as  are  mentioned  in  later  times  as  much  prized 
by  the  Assyrians ;  another,  now  in  the  National 
Library  at  Paris,  is  about  a  disputed  payment 
between  traders.  Two  others  from  Gyiil  Tepe 
and  Kaisarieh  refer  to  loans  of  money.  A  rock- 
cut  text,  near  Kaisarieh,  accompanies  a  bas-relief 
in  which  a  king,  robed  in  the  Assyrian  style  and 
seated  on  a  throne,  with  fan-bearers  behind  him, 

1  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.   Soc,   November  1SS1,  pp.  16-19,  31-36;  De- 
cember 1882,  p.  41  ;  November  1897,  pp.  2S6-292. 


42       THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

touches  with  his  spear  a  crouching  captive  in 
native  dress.  The  legend,1  which  is  very  roughly 
written  and  somewhat  defaced,  appears  to  relate 
how  Artes  (perhaps  an  Aryan  chief)  was  brought 
out  by  his  subjects  from  his  royal  city  in  the 
land  of  Erime,  to  the  presence  of  the  conqueror 
Targontimme  of  Gauzanitis.  This  latter,  whose 
name  recalls  those  of  many  other  Mongol  chiefs 
of  Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  may  have  been  the 
same  ruler  who  calls  himself  "  Tarkutimme  of 
the  land  of  Erime  "  on  the  bilingual  boss,  which 
presents  so-called  Hittite  emblems  with  early 
cuneiform  translation.  The  influence  of  Assyria 
had  already,  as  early  as  1500  B.C.,  carried  the 
Semitic  language  and  the  cuneiform  characters 
to  Asia  Minor,  as  we  see  from  the  letters  of  the 
princes  of  Elishah  found  in  the  Tell  Amarna 
collection. 

About  1400  B.C.,  or  rather  later,  the  19th  or 
Ramessid  dynasty  arose  in  Egypt,  and  entered 
into  new  relations  with  Syria.  A  Hittite  dynasty 
had  established  itself  at  Kadesh  on  Orontes,  and 
Saplel,  who  may  have  been  the  son  or  grandson 
of  the  Edugama  above  mentioned,  was  attacked 
by  Rameses  I. ;  but  the  success  of  the  Egyptians 
seems  to  have  been  doubtful,  and  a  treat)-  of 
alliance  was  concluded  which  left  the  Hittites 
their  freedom.      Seti    I.   was   the   second   king   of 

1  Eti  AN  Targitunttmme  Sar  Mat  Gitza[7ia?~\  .  .  .  melamaUru 
\ci\  Sarutu  izzait  Artes  Sar  Mat  Erime. 


RAMESES    THE    SECOND.  43 

the  igth  Egyptian  dynasty,  and  attempted  the 
reconquest  of  the  Syrian  empire.  He  attacked 
Kanana — a  place  apparently  near  Hebron  on  the 
south  —  and  subsequently  invaded  Syria,  where 
he  was  opposed  by  Mautenar  of  Kadesh.  His  con- 
quests appear  to  have  extended  to  the  Euphrates, 
and  in  his  ninth  year  Kadesh  was  again  taken. 
But  these  raids  had  little  permanent  result,  and 
the  decisive  struggle  was  deferred  till  the  reign 
of  the  famous  son  of  Seti,  known  as  Rameses  II. 
or  Miamun.  He  was  crowned  in  his  father's 
lifetime  when  only  about  twelve  years  old,  and 
his  long  reign  appears  to  have  lasted  some  sixty 
years,  dating  probably  from  about  1330  B.C. 

In  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  Rameses  the 
Great,  perhaps  after  the  reconquest  of  Ascalon, 
a  confederacy  of  Syrian  and  other  northern  tribes 
opposed  his  advance  on  Kadesh.1  It  included  the 
chiefs  of  Aleppo  and  Carchemish,  the  Leka  or 
Ligyes  of  the  Taurus,  with  others  whose  geo- 
graphical position  is  uncertain,  but  extending  from 
"the  sea-coast  to  the  land  of  the  Hittites  "  and  to 
Naharina.  Kadesh — a  city  probably  founded  by 
some  Semitic  people,  but  which  had  been  ruled  for 
more  than  a  century  by  Hittite  kings — stood  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Orontes  near  the  head  of  the 
valley  of  the  Eleutherus,  which  forms  the  pass 
through  the  Lebanon  leading  down  to  Semyra — a 

1  Third  Sallier  Papyrus.     Translated  by  E.  L.  Lushington.     Records 
of  the  Past  (Old  Series),  vol.  ii.  p.  67  ff. 


44      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

natural  highway  from  the  coast  to  the  river-valley 
east  of  the  great  chain.  The  city  was  further 
protected  by  a  stream  to  its  west,  flowing  into 
the  Orontes  immediately  north  of  the  site,  and 
by  a  ditch  on  the  south  between  the  two  streams. 
It  was  fortified  with  walls  and  towers,  and  the 
great  mound  of  its  citadel  still  retains  the 
ancient  name  of  this  "holy  city"  south  of  Emesa. 
The  Egyptians  advanced  in  four  brigades,  one 
following  the  king,  one  remaining  at  Shabatuna 
—  possibly  in  the  Eleutherus  valley — one  in  the 
centre,  and  the  fourth  on  the  borders  of  the  land 
of  Amairo.  The  Hittites  repulsed  the  first  brigade, 
and  surprised  the  king  from  an  ambush  north- 
west of  Kadesh,  false  information  having  led  the 
Egyptians  to  suppose  that  the  Syrian  army  had 
retreated.  They  are  said  to  have  had  2500  char- 
iots with  three  warriors  in  each.  The  prowess 
of  Rameses,  who  is  said  to  have  charged  the 
enemy  alone  in  his  chariot,  is  related  in  extrav- 
agant language ;  but  the  result  of  the  battle  was 
the  defeat  of  the  allies,  and  the  subsequent  sub- 
mission of  the  city.  The  enemy  are  represented 
on  the  Egyptian  sculptures  as  driven  into  the 
river,  in  which  the  prince  of  Aleppo  was  nearly 
drowned ;  and  Rameses,  either  during  this  cam- 
paign or  on  a  later  occasion  when  the  cause  of 
offence  was  the  destruction  of  his  statues  in  the 
town  of  Tunep,  advanced  yet  farther  north,  and 
appears    to    have    conquered    Aleppo.        He    left 


THE    HITTITE    ALLIANCE.  45 

statues  along  his  route  at  Sidon,  and  beside  the 
Dog  river  at  Beirut,  at  Gebal,  and  even  possibly 
near  Damascus.  In  the  eighth  year  he  invaded 
Galilee,  and  subdued  Shunem,  Meirun,  Tabor, 
and  Beth  Anath.  His  mohars  or  officials  exacted 
tribute  all  along  the  main  route,  between  Aleppo 
and  Achshaph  near  Accho,  as  well  as  in  the  plains 
of  Lower  Galilee,  and  as  far  east  as  Megiddo.  The 
whole  of  the  Philistine  plain  was  subdued,  but  the 
mountains  of  Samaria  and  Judah  were  never  appar- 
ently conquered,  or  any  part  of  Gilead  or  Moab. 

In  his  thirty-fourth  year  of  rule  Rameses  married 
the  daughter  of  Khetasar  the  king  of  Kadesh,  and 
thirteen  years  earlier  the  famous  treaty  had  been 
concluded  with  the  Hittites,  which  gives  evidence 
of  their  power  and  civilisation  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.,  when  they 
were  able  to  treat  on  equal  terms  with  the 
Pharaoh ;  while  it  equally  informs  us  of  their 
religious  ideas,  and  of  the  history  of  the  kings 
of  Kadesh.  The  more  important  clauses  of  the 
treaty  may  therefore  be  given  in  full : l — 

In  the  twenty-first  year,  on  the  21st  of  Tybi,  in  the 
reign  of  Ra-user-ma  Rameses  Meriamen,  .  .  .  came  a 
royal  herald  .  .  .  from  Khetasar  the  suzerain  of  the 
Hittites.  Copy  of  the  silver  plate  which  [he]  sent  by  the 
hand  of  his  herald  Tartisbu  [and  of  his  herald  Rames  ?  ] 
to  Rameses  the  bull  of  monarchs,  whose  boundaries  are 


1  See  Chabas,  'Voyage  d'un  Egyptien  '  (1866),  p.  33 ;  and  '  Records 
of  the  Past'  (Old  Series),  vol.  iv.  p.  25  ff. 


46      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

extended  to  every  land  at  his  pleasure — the  covenant  of 
Khetasar  suzerain  of  the  Hittites,  the  mighty  son  of 
Maurasar  the  mighty  suzerain  of  the  Hittites,  grandson  of 
Saplel.  .  .  .  The  good  terms  of  peace  and  brotherhood 
for  ever  which  aforetime  were  ever  [observed].  ...  It 
came  to  pass  in  the  time  of  Mautenar  suzerain  of  the 
Hittites,  my  brother,  that  he  fought  with  the  great  king  of 
Egypt,  but  thus  shall  it  be  henceforth  from  this  day. 
Behold,  Khetasar  suzerain  of  the  Hittites  covenants  to 
abide  by  the  terms  made  before  the  Sun,  before  Set, 
regarding  the  land  of  Egypt  and  the  land  of  the  Hittites, 
in  order  that  no  quarrel  may  arise  between  them  for 
ever.  .  .  .  After  the  death  of  my  brother,  I  Khetasar 
sat  on  his  father's  throne  as  suzerain  of  the  Hittites.  .  .  . 
The  suzerain  of  the  Hittites  will  never  invade  Egypt  or 
carry  away  ought  thence,  nor  shall  Rameses  Meriamen, 
the  great  king  of  Egypt,  ever  invade  the  land  of  the 
Hittites  or  carry  away  ought  thence.  The  treaty  of 
alliance  which  was  made  in  the  time  of  Saplel  suzerain  of 
the  Hittites,  as  also  the  treaty  of  alliance  made  in  the 
time  of  [Maurasar]  l  suzerain  of  the  Hittites,  my  father, 
as  I  fulfil  it  so  also,  behold,  Rameses  Meriamen,  the  great 
king  of  Egypt,  shall  fulfil  it ;  .  .  .  both  of  us  from  this 
day  will  fulfil  it,  to  carry  out  the  intention  of  alliance.  If 
any  foe  shall  come  to  the  lands  of  Rameses  Meriamen, 
the  great  king  of  Egypt,  and  he  shall  send  to  the  suzerain 
of  the  Hittites  saying,  "  Come  and  help  me  against  him," 
then  shall  the  suzerain  of  the  Hittites  .  .  .  smite  that 
foe,  and  if  [he]  cannot  come  he  shall  send  his  footmen 
and  horsemen  ...  to  smite  his  foe.  .  .  .  But  if  servants 
of  the  suzerain  of  the  Hittites  shall  invade  Rameses 
Meriamen,  .  .  .  [or  if]  they  come  from  the  lands  of 
Rameses  Meriamen,  the  great  king  of  Egypt,  to  the 
suzerain  of  the  Hittites,  then  shall  [he]  not  receive  them, 
but  [he]  shall  send  them  to  Ra-user-ma,  beloved  of  the 
Sun,  the  great  king  of  Egypt.   .   .   .   And  if  any  come  to 


The  copy  reads  Mautenar  by  mistake. 


THE    HITTITE    TREATY.  47 

do  any  business  in  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  they  shall  not 
be  added  to  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  they  shall  be  restored 
to  Rameses  Meriamen,  the  great  king  of  Egypt.  .  .  .  And 
if  any  come  to  the  land  of  Egypt  to  do  business  of  any 
sort,  then  shall  not  Ra-user-ma,  beloved  of  the  Sun,  the 
great  king  of  Egypt,  claim  such  :  he  shall  cause  them  to 
be  restored  to  the  suzerain  of  the  Hittites. 

This  tablet  of  silver  is  witnessed  by  a  thousand  gods, 
the  warrior  gods  and  the  goddesses  of  the  land  of  the 
Hittites,  together  with  a  thousand  gods,  the  warrior  gods 
and  the  goddesses  of  the  land  of  Egypt.  .  .  .  Set  of  the 
Hittites,  Set  of  the  city  A  .  .  .  ,  Set  of  the  city  Taranta, 
Set  of  the  city  Pairaka,  Set  of  the  city  Khisasap,  Set  of 
the  city  Sarasu,  Set  of  the  city  of  [Aleppo?],  .  .  .  Set  of 
the  city  Sarapaina,  Astarata  of  the  Hittites,  the  god  of 
Taitat  Kherri,  the  god  of  Ka  .  .  .  ,  the  goddess  of  the 
city  .  .  .  ,  the  goddess  of  Tain  .  .  .  ,  the  god  of  .  .  .  , 
[the  gods  of]  the  hills,  of  the  rivers,  of  the  land  of  the 
Hittites,  the  gods  of  the  land  Tawatana,  Amen,  the  Sun, 
Set,  the  warrior  gods  and  goddesses  of  the  hills,  the  rivers, 
of  the  land  of  Egypt,  .  .  .  the  great  sea,  the  winds,  the 
clouds. 

As  to  these  words  on  the  silver  tablet  of  the  land  of 
the  Hittites,  and  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  whoso  shall  not 
observe  them,  the  thousand  gods  of  the  land  of  the 
Hittites,  and  the  thousand  gods  of  the  land  of  Egypt  shall 
be  [against]  his  house,  his  family,  his  servants.  But 
whoso  shall  observe  these  words  on  the  silver  tablet, 
be  he  Hittite  [or  Egyptian],  the  thousand  gods  of  the 
land  of  the  Hittites,  and  the  thousand  gods  of  the  land 
of  Egypt,  shall  give  health  to  his  [family]  with  himself  and 
his  servants. 

If  one  man  or  two  or  three  shall  pass  over  [to  the  land 
of  the  Hittites,  the  suzerain  of  the  Hittites]  shall  give 
them  up  again  to  Ra-user-ma,  beloved  of  the  Sun,  the 
great  king  of  Egypt ;  but  whoever  shall  be  given  up  [to 
him],  let  not  his  crime  be  set  up  against  him,  let  him  not 
[be  smitten]  himself,  or  his  wives  or  his  children.      If  one 


48      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

man,  or  two,  or  three,  pass  over  from  the  land  of  the 
Hittites,  and  come  to  Ra-user-ma,  the  great  king  of  Egypt, 
let  Rameses  Meriamen  seize  [such]  and  cause  them  to 
be  given  up  to  the  suzerain  of  the  Hittites,  .  .  .  him- 
self, and  his  wives,  and  children  ;  but  let  him  not  be 
smitten  to  death  or  [lose]  his  eyes,  his  nose,  or  his  feet, 
nor  let  his  crime  be  set  up  against  him. 

That  which  is  on  the  [other  side]  of  the  tablet  of  silver 
is  the  [image]  of  the  figure  of  Set,  ...  of  Set  the  great 
ruler  of  heaven,  the  [witness]  of  the  treaty  made  by 
Khetasar,  the  great  king  of  the  Hittites.  .   .  . 

This  remarkable  treaty  appears  to  have  been 
strictly  observed,  and  it  is  possible  that  Merenptah 
(Mineptah),  the  son  of  Rameses,  who  acceded 
about  1270  B.C.,  may  have  been  the  offspring  of 
the  marriage  with  the  Hittite  princess.  He  con- 
tinued to  be  on  friendly  terms  with  this  powerful 
race,  which  thus  maintained  its  independence  in 
spite  of  attacks  from  the  north,  and  which  we 
still  find  noticed  as  late  as  1000  B.C.  (1  Kings 
x.  29  ;  cf.  Josh.  i.  4),  ruled  by  their  own  princes, 
to  whom  Solomon  was  also  allied  by  marriage, 
even  if  he  was  not  himself  the  son  of  a  Hittite 
mother. 

In  the  first  years  of  Mineptah,  however,  great 
troubles  came  on  both  the  Hittites  and  the  Egyp- 
tians through  the  invasion  of  the  south  by  Aryan 
tribes  from  Asia  Minor,  who  are  represented  as 
a  fair  blue  -  eyed  people.  They  acted  in  concert 
with  the  white  Libyans  west  of  Egypt,  who  seem 
also  to  have  been  perhaps  early  Aryan  colonists 
of  North    Africa,    and   they  spoiled   the    lands    of 


ISRAEL    IN    PALESTINE.  49 

Hittites  and  Amorites  on  their  way  to  the  Delta, 
so  that  a  subsequent  famine  was  only  averted  by 
sending  corn  in  ships  from   Egypt. 

Among  these  invaders *  are  mentioned  the 
Akausha,  the  Tursha,  the  Luku  (Lycians  or 
Ligyes),  the  Shardana  (from  Sardis),  the  Shaka- 
lisha,  and  "all  the  lands  north  of  the  great  sea." 
The  double  attack  was,  however,  repelled  in 
Egypt  itself  with  great  slaughter,  and  a  recently 
discovered  inscription  of  the  fifth  year  of  Min- 
eptah  relates  his  subsequent  raid  along  the  coasts 
of  Palestine.2  This  text,  after  referring  to  the 
retreat  of  the  Libyans,  continues  to  declare  the 
success  of  Egypt  in  Asia.  "  The  Hittites,"  it 
says,  "  are  quieted,  Pa  -  Kanana  is  ravaged  with 
all  violence,  Askadna  is  taken,  Kazmel  is  seized, 
Yenu  of  the  Amu  is  made  as  though  it  were  not. 
The  people  of  Israel  (I-si-ra-al)  is  spoiled,  it  has 
no  seed.  Syria  has  become  [as  the  widows  ?]  of 
Egypt.  All  lands  together  are  at  peace.  Every 
one  that  was  a  marauder  has  been  subdued  by 
King  Merenptah,  who  gives  life  like  the  Sun 
every  day."  It  will  be  noted  that  the  Hittites 
are  only  said  to  be  "  quieted,"  being  apparently 
aided  rather  than  attacked  by  Mineptah,  and 
that  Pa  -  Kanana  ("the  city  of  Canaan")  is  the 
extreme  point  of  advance  along  the  shore,  being 
a  town    noticed   in   the   preceding   reign   between 

1  Records  of  the  Past  (Old  Series),  vol.  iii.  p.  39. 

2  Prof.  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  Contemporary  Review,  May  1S96. 

D 


50      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

Tyre  and  Accho.  Askadna  is  thought  to  be  a 
clerical  error  for  Ascalon.  Yenu  may  be  Janoah 
on  the  hills  immediately  east  of  Tyre  (now  called 
Yanuh) ;  while  the  reference  to  Israel,  in  this 
connection,  is  naturally  regarded  as  showing  them 
to  be  already  in  Palestine,  and  living  as  a  settled 
population,  whose  crops  were  destroyed,  leaving 
them  without  seed.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  the 
matter  if — as  several  scholars  have  already  ad- 
mitted—  the  'Abiri  of  the  fifteenth  century  B.C. 
are  identified  with  the  conquering  Hebrews  led 
by  Joshua.1  Their  raid  on  Philistia  in  the  reign 
of  Amenophis  III.  occurred  just  at  the  time  which 
is  given  in  the  Bible  (i  Kings  vi.  i)  for  the 
Hebrew  conquest  of  Palestine,  or  about  1480  B.C., 
and  the  opportunity  for  such  conquest  arose  dur- 
ing a  period  of  general  rebellion  against  Egypt. 
The  presence  of  the  Egyptians  in  any  part  of 
Palestine  is  not  indeed  noticed  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment at  this  time ;  but  the  Egyptian  garrison  had 
been  withdrawn,  as  the  kings  of  southern  Pales- 
tine inform  us,  shortly  before  the  Hebrew  in- 
vasion. In  the  time  of  Mineptah  Israel  had  thus 
dwelt  in  the  hill  country  west  of  Jordan  for  two 
centuries,  yet  naturally  continued  to  be  regarded 
as  an  enemy,  and  one  sufficiently  important  to 
be  mentioned  with  other  nations  of  Asia. 

Of  Hebrew  history  between  1480  and  1100  B.C. 

1  This  is  admitted  by  Dr  Winckler  and  Dr  Zimmern  in  Germany, 
but  denied  by  Dr  Hommel  and  Dr  Sayce. 


BARAK    AND    SISERA.  5 1 

we  have  only  a  fragmentary  account  in  the  Book 
of  Judges,  but  three  references  to  foreign  history 
may  be  recognised,  which  coincide  with  the 
monumental  records  above  mentioned.  Shortly 
after  the  death  of  Joshua  Israel  was  oppressed 
for  eight  years  by  Chushan  Rishathaim,  king  of 
Aram  Naharaim  (Judges  iii.  8).  His  name  has 
not  yet  been  recognised,  but  we  have  seen  that 
the  kings  of  Naharina  took  part  in  the  attack 
on  Palestine,  and  advanced  at  least  as  far  south 
as  Bashan,  in  the  wars  of  the  fifteenth  century 
B.C.  It  may  have  been  at  this  time  that  Othniel 
fought  against  the  Cushite  or  Kassite  monarch 
in  question.  In  like  manner  the  story  of  the 
oppression  for  twenty  years  of  northern  Israel 
by  king  Jabin  II.  of  Hazor  (Judges  iv.  3)  agrees 
with  the  history  of  Rameses  II.  Early  in  his 
reign  Rameses  took  Tabor  (the  scene  of  Barak's 
subsequent  victory)  and  other  places  in  Galilee. 
Sisera,  whose  name  may  be  the  Egyptian  Ses-Ra 
or  "child  of  Ra,"  was  the  sar  or  "ruler"  of  the 
host  of  Hazor,  and  his  chariots  were  stationed 
at  Harosheth  under  Mount  Carmel.  He  may 
have  occupied  the  position  of  paka,  or  Egyptian 
resident,  among  the  Canaanite  kings  of  Lower 
Galilee  after  the  eighth  year  of  Rameses  II.1  The 
twenty  years  of  oppression  would  endure  till 
towards    the    later    years    of  the   great    Pharaoh, 

1  In  the  song  of  Deborah   (Judges  v.   2)  the  word   "  Pharaohs " 
actually  occurs  as  denoting  the  tyrants  conquered. 


52      THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

when  peace  had  already  been  made  with  the 
Hittites.  The  victor)-  of  Barak,  calculating  from 
the  conquest  in  1480  B.C.,  would  have  occurred 
about  1300  B.C.,  which  quite  agrees  with  the 
probable  duration  of  the  reign  of  Rameses  II. 
It  was  naturally  more  important  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Hebrews  than  in  that  of  the  Pharaoh,  for 
we  have  many  instances  of  similar  revolts  in 
which  various  pakas  perished.  With  advancing 
age  Rameses  II.  appears  to  have  become  less 
warlike,  so  that  a  period  of  some  "  forty  years  " 
of  rest  (Judges  v.  31)  may  well  have  elapsed 
before  the  Syrian  campaign  of  Mineptah.  Ac- 
curacy is  not  attainable  within  a  few  years,  but 
there  is  a  remarkable  coincidence  between  the 
statement  of  the  Pharaoh  that  "  Israel  is  spoiled, 
it  has  no  seed,"  and  the  Bible  account  of  a  con- 
temporary time  of  trouble  (Judges  vi.  4)  lasting 
for  seven  years,  when  the  allied  foes  "  destroyed 
the  increase  of  the  earth  till  thou  come  to 
Gaza,  and  left  no  sustenance  for  Israel,"  until 
rescued  by  Gideon.  For  it  is  evident  that  the 
Midianites  cannot  have  been  the  only  invaders, 
since  they  are  never  found  in  the  Philistine 
plains  in  other  accounts.  After  the  retreat 
of  the  Egyptians  we  hear  of  no  further  op- 
pressions until  the  twelfth  century  B.C.,  when 
the  Philistines  became  the  strongest  tribe  of  the 
south-west.  And  here  also  the  monumental  ac- 
counts appear  to  be  in  accord  with  Bible  history. 


ARYAN    INVASION.  53 

A  time  of  confusion  followed  the  death  of 
Mineptah,  and  for  a  while  Arisu,  a  Phoenician, 
ruled  in  the  Delta.1  Rameses  III.  was  the  next 
native  king  able  to  restore  for  a  time  the  waning 
fortunes  of  his  race  about  1200  B.C. ;  but  he 
was  attacked  by  the  Aryans,  who  invaded  the 
country  of  the  Hittites  and  Amorites,  and  who 
appear  to  have  advanced  far  south  against  Egypt. 
Among  these  tribes  who  "came  by  land  and 
sea "  to  the  Delta  are  mentioned  the  Purosata, 
the  Zakkar,  the  Shakalisha,  and  the  Danau. 
The  latter  are  perhaps  Danai  or  Greeks,  while 
the  Purosata  or  Pilista  (as  variously  interpreted) 
have  been  thought  to  be  Philistines.  They  are, 
however,  in  dress  and  feature  indistinguishable 
from  their  Aryan  allies,  and  may  have  been  in- 
habitants of  Prusias  (or  Broussa),  in  the  far  north- 
west of  Anatolia.  The  Hittites  and  Phoenicians 
suffered  most  from  this  onset,  and  the  Aryans 
pushed  as  far  as  Carchemish  and  Arvad,  and 
"remained  encamped  in  the  land  of  the  Amor- 
ites." Rameses  III.  appears  to  have  driven  back 
all  these  peoples  "  of  the  coasts  and  islands," 
and  received  tribute  from  Syria.  There  is  noth- 
ing to  show  his  presence  in  Palestine  proper,  but 
his  fleet  attacked  Cyprus,  while  he  himself  in- 
vaded Zahi  and  Sahir  (probably  Seir)  and  re- 
opened the  Sinaitic  mines.  Among  the  names 
of  thirty  -  nine   cities   which    he   claims    to    have 

1  Brugsch,  Hist.  Egypt,  vol.  ii.  pp.  136-152. 


54       THE    EGYPTIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

conquered  we  find  not  only  places  like  Carche- 
mish  in  Syria,  and  Athena  (probably  Adana  in 
Cilicia),  but  others,  such  as  Salamis,  Kition,  Soli, 
Idalium,  Akamas,  and  Kebyra,  in  Cyprus,  which 
could  only  have  been  reached  by  ships ;  and  it 
seems  probable  that  —  as  in  earlier  times  —  the 
expedition  was  carried  to  the  coasts  of  Syria 
and  Cilicia  by  the  Egyptian  fleet. 

This  expedition  is  the  latest  historically  known 
to  have  been  carried  by  the  Egyptians  into  the 
Hittite  country,  for  the  account  of  the  visit  of 
Rameses  XII.  to  Naharina  appears  to  be  legend- 
ary. The  Assyrians  began  to  be  so  powerful  in 
the  north  that  their  supremacy  ceased  to  be  ques- 
tioned. In  the  time  of  Rameses  XIV.  they  seem 
to  have  reached  Egypt  as  conquerors,  and  there 
in  the  time  of  Rehoboam  they  founded  the  22nd 
dynasty.  Egypt  was  again  split  up  into  small 
states  in  the  twelfth  century  B.C.,  and  the  only 
further  notices  of  any  attacks  on  Palestine  are 
those  found  in  the  Bible,  when  the  father-in-law 
of  Solomon  (1  Kings  ix.  16)  is  said  to  have  burned 
Gezer — being  perhaps  the  energetic  Saamen  of  the 
21st  dynasty ;  and  again  when  Shishak  swept  over 
the  country  (1  Kings  xiv.  25),  as  we  learn  from 
his  own  list  of  133  conquered  towns  in  Galilee 
and  Judea. 

With  the  decay  of  Egyptian  power,  after  the 
time  of  Rameses  III.,  we  reach  the  close  of  the 
second   period  in  the    history  of  the    Mongols  of 


MONGOL    DECAY.  55 

Western  Asia.  From  the  dawn  of  history  till 
about  1700  B.C.  their  power  was  unrivalled ;  and 
for  live  centuries  after  they  held  their  own  against 
Aryans,  Assyrians,  and  even  —  in  the  far  north — 
against  the  Egyptians.  But  the  area  of  their  rule 
was  gradually  restricted,  and  Semitic  races  re- 
placed them  in  Palestine  and  dominated  their 
scattered  tribes  from  the  Upper  Tigris.  The  final 
period  between  1200  and  700  B.C.  shows  us  the 
gradual  decay  and  final  overthrow  of  the  Hittite 
power  in  Syria,  and  the  yet  earlier  subjection  of 
the  Kassites  in  Babylon.  The  story  of  Assyrian 
conquest  throws  much  light  on  the  relations  of 
the  various  tribes  which  have  been  popularly 
grouped  together  as  "  Hittite  "  ;  and  although  the 
use  of  their  peculiar  script  had  ceased  before 
1500  B.C.,  it  will  be  well  to  relate  shortly  how 
the  Hittites  fared  in  the  times  of  the  Hebrew 
monarchy. 


56 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

After  the  death  of  the  successful  Assyrian  king, 
Assur-Uballid — which  apparently  took  place  at  the 
end  of  a  long  reign  in  about  1390  B.C. — the  As- 
syrians were  engaged  in  a  constantly  recurring 
struggle  with  the  Kassites  of  Babylon,  and  only 
two  kings  are  known  to  have  invaded  Syria  be- 
tween 1400  B.C.  and  the  time  of  Solomon.  The 
dissensions  east  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  decay  of 
Egypt  led  first  to  the  increase  of  independent  power 
among  the  northern  Hittites,  whose  great  city — 
Carchemish — barred  the  passage  of  the  Euphrates  ; 
and  secondly,  to  the  rise  of  the  Hebrew  kingdom 
under  David  and  Solomon.  Not  until  about  eighty 
years  after  the  death  of  the  latter  was  any  Assyrian 
ruler  to  carry  his  arms  victoriously  to  the  Medi- 
terranean after  the  early  raids  of  Assur-Risisi  and 
Tiglath-Pileser  I.,  which  are  about  to  be  noticed. 
Glancing  back  to  the  Kassite  history,  it  appears 
that  the  1st  dynasty  of  Babylon  came  to  an  end 


BURNABURIAS.  57 

about  1948  B.C.,  and  was  followed  by  eleven  Mon- 
gol kings  of  Uriiku  (probably  Erech),  who  reigned 
altogether  for  358  years,  down  to  1590  B.C.  The 
records  of  the  3rd  dynasty  (mainly  Kassites)  are 
much  injured  on  the  only  historic  tablet  that  we 
possess.  The  best  known  of  these  monarchs  is 
Burnaburias,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  con- 
temporary of  Amenophis  IV.  He  may  have  been 
the  eleventh  king  of  the  line,  and  probably  ac- 
ceded about  1440  B.C.  Ten  years  later  he  had 
made  peace  with  Assur-Uballid,  and  married  the 
daughter  of  the  latter ;  but  in  his  earlier  letters 
he  writes  of  an  expected  Assyrian  attack.  Assur- 
Uballid  appears  to  have  had  a  long  reign,  since 
he  saw  his  grandson  on  the  throne  of  Babylon, 
as  already  related  ;  but,  as  women  are  married  in 
the  East  at  the  age  of  twelve  or  fourteen,  he  may 
not  have  been  much  older  than  Burnaburias,  whom 
he  survived  for  many  years  —  setting  up  on  the 
throne  of  Babylon  a  son  of  Burnaburias  called 
Kurigalzu  II.1  The  latter,  however,  quarrelled  with 
the  next  Assyrian  king,  Bel-Nirari,  and  sought  aid 
from  the  ancient  enemy  of  the  Kassites — the  king 
of  Elam.  The  alliance  led  to  another  attack  on 
Babylon  by  Bel-Nirari,  and  the  Kassites  were 
again  defeated  ;  while  two  generations  later  they 
once  more  suffered  under  Nazi  -  Urutas  (about 
1330  B.C.)  at  the  hands  of  Rimmon-Nirari. 

1  According  to  Dr  Peters  (Nippur,  vol.  ii.  pp.  133,  255),  Kurigalzu 
II.  made  conquests  in  Elam. 


58       THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

The  great  city  of  Nineveh  already  existed,  and 
already  had  a  shrine  of  Istar  in  its  midst,  in  the 
fifteenth  century  B.C. ;  but  the  Assyrian  capital  is 
believed  not  to  have  been  transferred  northwards 
to  it,  from  the  town  of  Assur,  until  the  reign  of 
Shalmaneser  I.,  successor  of  Rimmon-Nirari,  who 
acceded  about  1320  B.C.  Another  war  followed 
in  the  reign  of  Tiglath-Adar,  son  of  Shalmaneser, 
who  took  Babylon  in  1292  B.C. ;  but  somewhat 
later  the  tide  of  Assyrian  success  was  checked, 
when,  in  1220  B.C.,  Bel-Kudur-eser  of  Assyria  was 
slain  by  the  king  of  Babylon,  and  his  successor, 
Adar-Pileser,  was  hemmed  in  by  the  Hittites  and 
by  other  tribes.  He  died  about  1200  B.C.,  and 
the  next  king  of  Nineveh,  Assur-Dan,  is  said  to 
have  had  a  long  and  prosperous  reign,  and  made 
further  inroads  into  Babylonia.  The  power  of  the 
Kassites  steadily  decreased,  and  that  of  Assyria 
was  consolidated,  by  a  succession  of  kings  handing 
down  the  sceptre  from  father  to  son,  until  in  1150 
B.C.  Assur- Risisi  extended  his  conquests,  not  only 
in  Armenia  and  Babylonia,  but  far  south  in  Syria, 
where  he  left  his  monument  carved  on  the  cliff  of 
the  Dog  river  north  of  Beirut.  He  was  followed, 
about  1130  B.C.,  by  a  still  more  famous  son  — 
Tiglath  -  Pileser  I.,  who,  in  the  first  five  years  of 
his  reign,  claims  to  have  subdued  forty-three  kings, 
from  the  borders  of  Babylon  to  the  mountains,  and 
in  the  land  of  the  Hittites  as  far  as  "  the  upper 
sea   of  sunset."     We    learn,   however,   from   other 


THE    LATER    KASSITES.  59 

accounts  that,  later  in  his  reign,  he  was  less  suc- 
cessful against  the  Kassite  ruler  of  Babylon,  and 
a  period  of  weakness  follows,  during  which  the 
Assyrian  nominees,  allied  by  marriage  to  the 
kings  of  Nineveh,  appear  to  have  been  set  up 
and  dethroned  in  Babylon,  according  as  the 
Semitic  race  in  the  north,  and  the  Mongols  of 
the  south  (Kassites  and  Elamites),  prevailed  in 
an  equally  matched  struggle — as  when  Assur-Bel- 
Kala  established  Rimmon-Baladan,  his  son-in-law, 
who  was  succeeded  by  Kassite  monarchs  about 
1110  B.C.,  after  which  the  names  of  Babylonian 
rulers  are  sometimes  Semitic,  sometimes  Mongolic. 
The  Assyrian  royal  house  decayed  during  the 
eleventh  century,  and  Babylon  still  remained  the 
capital  of  a  separate  kingdom  down  to  1012  B.C., 
when  the  1st  Assyrian  dynasty  took  the  throne. 
We  hear  of  various  short  dynasties — probably  con- 
temporary— including  kings  of  the  "sea-coast"; 
but  there  is  as  yet  a  gap  in  Assyrian  history  from 
1085  to  935  B.C.,  filled  only  by  the  names  of  Assur- 
Nirari,  and  Nebo-Dan.  The  power  of  the  Nine- 
vites  cannot,  however,  have  been  entirely  lost,  as 
we  learn  from  Egyptian  sources.  About  1000  B.C. 
a  king  called  Naromath,  "  the  great  king,  the  king 
of  Assyria,"  died  at  Abydos  in  Egypt,1  where  his 
body  was  burned.  He  was  the  father  of  Shishak, 
the  enemy  of  Rehoboam,  and  his  mother — married 
to   an   earlier  Shishak,   king  of  Assyria  —  was  the 

1  Brugsch,  Hist.  Egypt,  vol.  ii.  pp.  197-202. 


60      THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

daughter  apparently  of  Rameses  XIV.  Naromath 
plundered  the  altar  of  Abydos ;  yet  after  his  death 
a  statue  was  there  set  up,  with  an  inscription  "  in 
the  language  of  Babylon,"  in  which  he  was  called 
"  king  of  kings."  It  would  seem,  therefore,  that 
he  must  have  been  a  conqueror,  who  reached 
Egypt  either  by  sea  or  along  the  Palestine  coast, 
in  the  time  of  David,  although  no  monuments  of 
this  invasion  are  known  to  tell  the  story  of  the 
first  establishment  of  an  Assyrian  dynasty  in  the 
Delta. 

Turning  to  the  victories  of  Tiglath-Pileser  I., 
already  mentioned,  we  find  an  important  account 
of  the  tribes  which  he  encountered  in  Syria,1  in 
the  well-known  annals  of  his  first  five  campaigns, 
which  have  often  been  translated  with  minor  dif- 
ferences of  interpretation.  In  his  first  year  (about 
1 130  B.C.)  he  pushed  west  into  Commagene,  where 
five  petty  kings  of  the  Moschai  (the  Old  Testa- 
ment Meshech),  ruling  in  Western  Armenia,  had 
for  half  a  century  exacted  tribute,  and  were  able 
to  assemble  an  army  of  20,000  men.  Conquest 
in  this  region,  and  in  the  next  year  on  the  Tigris 
near  Diarbekr,  and  at  Malatiya  on  the  borders 
of  Armenia,  opened  the  road  westwards  to  the 
region  of  the  Kaska  tribe,  west  of  the  latter  city. 
These  tribesmen  appear  to  have  belonged  to  the 
Mongol  population  of  Asia  Minor,  and  they  were 
aided    by  "soldiers    of  the   Hittites "  from   Urum 

1  Records  of  the  Past  (New  Series),  vol.  i.  p.  86. 


TIGLATH-PILESER   THE    FIRST.  6l 

on  the  Euphrates  in  an  attack  on  Commagene. 
The  Assyrians  drove  back  the  tribesmen  and  took 
120  chariots.  Further  wars  in  the  east  followed, 
extending  to  the  "  upper  sea,"  probably  the  Cas- 
pian, before  the  campaign  of  vengeance  west  of 
the  Euphrates  was  attempted  ;  but  in  his  fourth 
year  Tiglath-Pileser  again  advanced  to  Malatiya 
and  to  the  land  of  Khani  -  rabbat  —  the  old  king- 
dom already  noticed  as  ruled  by  the  Minyan 
king  Dusratta.  The  whole  of  Southern  Armenia 
appears  to  have  been  still  held  by  Mongol  tribes, 
but  without  any  central  authority ;  and  the  As- 
syrian soldiers  were  floated  over  the  Euphrates 
on  inflated  sheepskins,  and  reached  "the  city  of 
Carchemish  in  the  land  of  the  Hittites,"  taking 
also  three  towns  near  Bisri,  which  is  thought  to 
be  the  famous  fortress  of  Tell  Bashar  farther 
north  —  a  place  whence  seals  with  "  Hittite " 
characters  have  been  recovered.  The  expedition 
was  pushed  westwards  to  the  Mediterranean ; 
and,  near  Arvad  in  Northern  Phoenicia,  Tiglath- 
Pileser  embarked  on  this  sea  and  hunted  a  por- 
poise. He  speaks  also  of  the  wild  bulls  which 
he  hunted  near  Carchemish,  and  of  the  elephants 
found  near  Harran,  east  of  the  Euphrates,  of 
which  four  were  taken  alive.  Elephants  in  the 
same  district  have  already  been  noticed  in  the 
sixteenth  century  B.C.  Lions  also  were  still 
numerous,  and  Tiglath-Pileser  slew  120  on  foot 
and  800  from   his  chariot.      Like  his   Babylonian 


62      THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

predecessors,  he  also  prized  the  cedars  of  the 
Northern  Lebanon,  and  transplanted  some  of 
them  to  Assyria.  His  campaign  thus  gives  us  a 
glimpse  of  Hittite  history  in  the  twelfth  century 
B.C.,  and  shows  the  condition  of  the  countries 
west  of  Assyria,  where  the  Mongol  tribes  were 
fairly  able,  as  a  rule,  to  hold  their  own  against 
weaker  kings  than  this  Assyrian   conqueror. 

The  next  account  of  these  regions  dates  about 
270  years  later,  after  the  great  gap  in  Assyrian 
records.  The  kings  of  Nineveh,  while  conquer- 
ing in  the  Armenian  mountains,  and  striving  to 
form  a  permanent  union  with  Babylon,  appear, 
as  far  as  is  known,  to  have  left  Syria  in  peace 
until  the  accession,  in  883  B.C.,  of  Assur-Nasirpal, 
who  has  left  a  long  account  of  his  victories.  On 
the  north  and  east  he  penetrated  into  part  of 
Kurdistan  and  of  the  region  round  Ararat,  which 
he  says  no  former  kings  of  Assyria  had  reached. 
On  the  west  he  advanced  to  the  Mediterranean 
over  Lebanon,  and  received  tribute  from  the 
Phoenician  cities  of  Gebal,  Sidon,  and  Tyre,  as 
well  as  presents  from   Egypt. 

Through  Commagene  Assur-Nasirpal1  reached 
the  towns  of  Surieh  and  Helebi,  the  first  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Euphrates  between  the  mouths 
of  the  Khabur  and  the  Belikh,  and  the  latter  a 
little  above  the  point  where  the  Belikh  joins  the 
Euphrates.     The  power  of  Assyria  seems  by  this 

1  Records  of  the  Past  (New  Series),  vol.  ii.  p.  128. 


ASSUR-NASIRPAL.  6$ 

time  to  have  been  so  fully  recognised  that  the 
tribes  submitted,  as  a  rule,  without  fighting ;  and 
the  gifts  received  from  "  the  son  of  Bakhian  of 
the  land  of  the  Hittites,  and  the  kings  of  Khani- 
rabbat,"  included  not  only  oxen,  sheep,  and 
horses,  but  also  silver,  gold,  lead,  and  copper. 
The  racial  connection  with  the  Kassites  may 
account  for  the  advance  of  "  soldiers  of  the  land 
of  the  Kassi,"  together  with  the  Kaldu  or  Chal- 
deans of  Lower  Mesopotamia,  who  were  defeated 
by  Assur- Nasirpal  after  this  first  expedition  to 
the  borders  of  Syria.  He  subsequently  marched 
again  to  Carchemish,  and  received  as  tribute 
from  Sangara  the  "king  of  the  Hittites"  twenty 
talents  of  silver,  beads,  chains,  sword  scabbards 
of  gold,  ioo  talents  of  copper  and  250  talents  of 
iron,  with  spoils  of  his  palace  (or  temple),  includ- 
ing bronze  (or  copper)  objects  representing  sacred 
bulls,  and  bowls,  libation  -  cups,  and  censers,  as 
well  as  couches,  seats,  thrones,  dishes,  ivory  in- 
struments, and  200  slave  -  girls.  The  Assyrians 
seem  to  have  specially  prized  the  embroidered  robes 
of  linen  and  fine  stuffs  in  black  and  purple,  which 
are  noticed  with  gems  and  elephants'  tusks  in  this 
record.  Chariots,  horses,  and  prisoners  were  also 
carried  away  to  Nineveh  from  Carchemish. 

The  advance  continued  westwards  to  'Azzaz,  in 
the  country  of  Lubarna  king  of  the  Khattinai ;  and 
the  Assyrians  crossed  the  Afrin  river  to  Kunalua 
(supposed  to  be  Gindarus),  his  capital.     The  spoil 


64      THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

taken  was  similar  to  that  from  Carchemish,  in- 
cluding a  thousand  oxen  and  ten  thousand  sheep. 
Female  musicians  are  also  noticed,  and  the  pagiti 
or  maces,  which  were  sceptres  of  "  great  lords," 
such  as  the  Egyptians  mention  earlier  among  the 
Hittites,  and  which  are  represented  on  the  Mer- 
'ash  bas-relief.  Other  unknown  tribes  were  next 
encountered,  before  the  river  Orontes  was  reached 
and  the  country  of  Yaraki  near  Hamath.  Lu- 
barna  appears  to  have  ruled  over  a  wide  region, 
and  the  Khattinai  were  probably  a  Hittite  tribe. 
The  corn  of  the  Hittites  was  reaped,  and  vari- 
ous enemies  were  empaled,  while  colonists  from 
Assyria  were  settled  in  the  country.  The  slopes 
of  Lebanon  were  crossed,  and  the  "  great  sea 
of  the  West "  was  seen,  and  adored  with  sacri- 
fices. Tribute  came  from  Arvad,  an  island  city 
"  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,"  as  well  as  from  the 
"  kings  of  the  coast,"  including  those  of  Tyre, 
Sidon,  and  Gebal.  The  objects  noticed  are  the 
same  as  above  mentioned,  including  linen  vest- 
ments, maces  great  and  small,  precious  woods, 
seats  of  ivory,  and  "a  porpoise  offspring  of  the 
sea."  From  Amanus  (the  Northern  Lebanon 
near  Antioch)  were  brought  logs  of  cedar,  pine, 
box,  and  cypress.  The  whole  account  gives 
evidence  of  the  great  wealth  and  civilisation  of 
the  region,  and  of  the  intermingling  of  Semitic 
and  Mongol  tribes,  to  whom  a  new  element  was 
added  in  the  Assyrian  colonists. 


SHALMANESER   THE    SECOND.  65 

These  conquests  were  maintained  during  the 
next  reign  —  that  of  Shalmaneser  II.,  son  of 
Assur-Nasirpal,  who  ruled  from  858  to  823  B.C., 
and  of  whom  several  important  inscriptions  are 
known,  including  the  famous  "black  obelisk." 
His  victories  extended  from  the  Caspian  and  the 
Persian  Gulf,  Media  and  Cappadocia,  to  the 
Orontes  and  to  Phoenicia,  but  he  met  with 
stubborn  resistance  from  a  league  of  twelve 
Syrian  princes,  although  his  army,  which  was 
specially  strong  in  archers,  numbered  perhaps 
100,000  men.  The  safety  of  his  dominions  was 
secured  by  alliance  with  Babylon ;  but  on  the 
north  we  hear  for  the  first  time  of  the  appear- 
ance of  a  new  race,  which  was  destined  to  bring 
about  the  ruin  of  Assyria  —  namely,  the  Medes, 
who  were  encountered  in  Armenia.  The  old 
Mongol  population  of  the  regions  round  Lake 
Van,  and  in  Matiene,  had  probably  by  this  time 
been  destroyed  or  greatly  reduced  by  Assyrian  in- 
vasions, but  a  new  dynasty  had  established  itself 
at  Lake  Van,  and  had  adopted  the  cuneiform 
script  for  rock  -  cut  texts  in  their  own  Aryan 
language.  The  names  of  these  kings  appear  also 
to  be  Aryan,  and  Argistis,  the  fourth  of  the 
dynasty,  about  800  B.C.  warred  with  Rimmon- 
Nirari  III.,  and  appears  to  have  been  victorious 
over  various  tribes.  The  texts  are  not  as  yet 
read  with  certainty,  but  Argistis  speaks  of  the 
Khati  among  his  enemies,  between  Malatiya  and 

E 


•^TBRAfly' 

r  r  -he 
UNIVERSITY 


66      THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

Nereb  (in  Syria),  and  the  new  Aryan  invaders 
thus  appear  to  have  been  also  enemies  of  the 
Syrian  Mongols.  This  further  change  in  the 
character  of  the  population  of  Western  Asia  will 
be  found  important  in  connection  with  the  ques- 
tion of  the  "Hittite"  texts,  and  further  evidence 
of  the  presence  of  Aryans  on  the  borders  of 
Assyria  is  furnished  by  texts  of  later  kings  down 
to  Sargon. 

Turning  to  the  records  of  Shalmaneser  II.,1  we 
may  consider  the  main  points  of  interest  in  his 
two  great  texts.  During  thirty  years  of  fighting 
he  came  nearly  every  year  into  Syria,  or  sent  his 
generals  to  maintain  his  authority ;  and,  although 
the  record  of  his  conquests  is  incomplete,  the 
gradual  extension  of  Assyrian  power  to  Cilicia  on 
the  west,  and  to  Damascus  and  Bashan  on  the 
south,  is  made  clear.  Even  in  the  first  year  of 
his  reign  (858  B.C.)  he  marched  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean near  Antioch,  and  in  the  second  he  re- 
ceived tribute  —  silver,  gold,  oxen,  sheep,  and 
wine — from  Katazilu  of  Commagene.  Tell  Barsip, 
which  is  thought  to  be  Birejik  on  the  Euphrates, 
was  attacked,  and  1300  soldiers  of  Ahuni,  son  of 
Adini,  were  slain.  The  Gamgums  were  a  people 
living  west  of  this  crossing  -  place  under  a  king 
named  Mutalli.  They  presented  tribute  like  that 
of  Commagene ;    and  the  advance  thence  was  on 

1  Records  of  the  Past  (New  Series),  vol.  iv.  pp.  39,  53.     Schrader, 
Cuneif.  Inscript.  and  Old  Testament,  vol.  i.  pp.  1S3-209. 


THE    KHATTINAI.  67 

Samalla,  now  known  to  be  an  important  city  on 
the  plateau  commanding  the  principal  pass  to  the 
Gulf  of  Issus.  The  chief  of  this  region  was  Hayan, 
son  of  Gabbar  —  a  Semitic  ruler  apparently  of 
Phoenician  race — with  whom  were  allied  Sangara 
of  Carchemish  and  Ahuni  of  Birejik.  The  confeder- 
acy was  defeated,  and  the  submission  of  the  Gam- 
gums  seems  to  have  led  to  an  alliance  with  Assyria 
— Mutalli  presenting  his  daughter  with  a  dowry  to 
Shalmaneser,  who  set  up  his  own  statue  at  the  foot 
of  the  Amanus  near  Samalla,  and,  turning  south  to 
the  Orontes,  attacked  the  Khattinai  in  the  region 
west  of  Aleppo. 

In  the  third  year  (856  B.C.)  Ahuni  advanced 
across  the  Euphrates  from  Tell  Barsip,  and  was 
defeated  by  Shalmaneser,  who  crossed  the  river 
in  flood  (in  April  or  May),  and  burned  200  villages 
near  Tell  Bashar.  Passing  south,  by  Dabigu 
(now  Toipuk)  east  of  'Azzaz,  through  the  lands 
of  Carchemish,  he  received  tribute  from  the  Khat- 
tinai —  including  three  talents  of  gold,  100  of 
silver,  300  of  copper,  and  300  of  iron,  with  1000 
bronze  vases  and  1000  embroidered  robes ;  and 
in  this  instance  again  took  away  a  Mongol  prin- 
cess with  a  dowry,  and  imposed  a  yearly  tribute, 
stated  to  have  consisted  of  a  talent  of  gold,  100 
logs  of  cedar,  and  other  gifts.  From  Samalla 
like  riches  were  extorted,  with  cedar-resin,  flocks 
and  herds ;  and  a  Phoenician  princess  with  a 
dowry  was  accepted.     Such  tribute  was,  however, 


68      THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

only  paid  when  enforced.  And  the  expedition 
seems  to  have  been  repeated  in  the  fourth  year, 
when  Pethor  was  the  crossing  -  place  of  the 
Euphrates  south  of  Carchemish,  the  advance 
thence  being  by  the  valley  of  Antioch,  and  the 
return  farther  north  by  Mer'ash,  where  a  road 
was  cut  in  the  mountains ;  and  Armenia  was 
traversed  as  far  as  Ararat  on  the  way  home  to 
Nineveh. 

The  campaign  of  the  fifth  year  (854  B.C.)  was 
one  of  the  most  arduous,  for  the  whole  of  Syria — 
as  far  south  at  least  as  Damascus — was  leagued 
to  oppose  the  insatiable  ambition  of  Assyria,  and 
to  shake  off  the  heavy  yoke  and  annual  exactions 
which  single  tribes  could  not  resist.  On  sheep- 
skin floats  the  Assyrian  force  of  about  120,000 
soldiers  crossed  the  Euphrates  in  flood  a  second 
time.  Kundaspi  of  Commagene,  Lalli  of  Malatiya, 
Hayan  of  Samalla,  Girparuda  of  the  Khattinai, 
and  Girparuda  of  the  Gamgums,  hastened  to  offer 
tribute  of  gold,  silver,  copper,  and  lead  (meeting 
the  king  at  Pethor),  as  being  "under  the  yoke." 
Aleppo  also  submitted,  and  offerings  were  made 
to  Hadad  its  god ;  but  south  of  this  the  road 
along  the  Orontes  was  barred  by  the  allies  of 
Hamath,  who  mustered  altogether  nearly  4000 
chariots  and  62,000  fighting  men. 

The  twelve  kings  so  allied  included  Hadadezer 
of  Damascus,  Irkhulena  of  Hamath,  Ahab  of  Sirlai 
(an  unknown  site),  with  the  Guai  near  the  borders 


THE    SYRIAN    LEAGUE.  69 

of  Cilicia,  the  Phoenicians  of  Arvad,  Arkah,  Huzu 
(probably  el  Ghaziyeh  near  Sidon),  Baashah  of 
Amanus,  Adonibel  of  Sizana,  and  Gindub  the  Arab 
with  a  thousand  camels.  The  Hamathite  fortresses 
were  wasted,  and  a  great  battle  near  Karkar  on  the 
Orontes  is  said  to  have  led  to  the  defeat  of  the 
allies,  who  fled,  leaving  14,000  slain.  But  the 
Assyrian  advance  was  checked  for  a  time,  and  in 
the  following  year  (853  B.C.)  Hadadezer  and  Irkhu- 
lena  roused  the  "kings  of  the  Hittites"  and  of  the 
"sea-coasts,"  and  advanced  on  Assyria,  "trusting 
in  each  other's  might."  They  lost,  however,  20,500 
men,  with  chariots,  horses,  and  baggage ;  and  the 
struggle  between  Nineveh  and  Damascus  remained 
undecided,  and  does  not  seem  certainly  to  have 
been  renewed  for  thirteen  years,  although  in  849 
B.C.  (the  tenth  of  Shalmaneser)  tribute  from 
Carchemish  included  a  Hittite  princess  with  a 
dowry,  while  in  the  following  season  many  Hittite 
and  Hamathite  towns  were  raided,  Hadadezer 
with  his  eleven  allies  being  put  to  flight.  The 
Assyrian  lands,  in  which  new  colonists  were 
settled,  now  included  all  the  north  of  Syria  to 
the  borders  of  Hamath,  and  in  the  thirteenth 
year  (846  B.C.)  tribute  was  taken  from  the  "  Land 
of  Yadai "  round  Samalla,  this  region  being  again 
visited  in  842  B.C.,  the  seventeenth  of  Shalmaneser. 
The  subjection  of  Hamath  was  evidently  next 
brought  about,  though  the  record  is  wanting,  for 
in    840    B.C.    Hazael    of   Damascus   found   himself 


70      THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

forced  to  meet  the  invader  on  the  slopes  of  Her- 
mon.  Of  this  final  success  in  the  south  in  the 
eighteenth  year  of  his  reign,  Shalmaneser  tells  us 
that,  crossing  the  Euphrates  for  the  sixteenth 
time,  he  marched  on  Bashan  : — 

Hazael  of  Damascus  trusted  to  the  number  of  his  host, 
and  gathered  his  armies  without  number,  and  made  Shenir 
[or  Hermon],  the  topmost  mountain  east  of  Lebanon,  his 
stronghold.  I  strove  with  him  and  beat  him ;  sixteen 
thousand  of  his  warriors  I  overcame  with  the  sword. 
Eleven  hundred  and  twenty- one  of  his  chariots,  four 
hundred  and  seventy  of  his  horsemen,  I  took  from  him 
with  his  baggage.  To  save  his  life  he  fled  away.  I 
pursued  after  him  and  went  down  to  Damascus,  his  royal 
city.  I  besieged  him.  I  destroyed  his  gardens.  I  went 
to  the  land  of  Hauran.  I  destroyed  unnumbered  towns. 
I  wasted  and  burned  with  fire.  I  carried  off  his  prisoners 
without  number.  I  marched  to  the  mountains  of  Baal 
Ras  close  to  the  sea  [probably  near  Beirut].  I  set  up 
my  royal  image  at  that  place ;  and  at  that  time  I  took 
tribute  of  the  Tyrians,  of  the  Sidonians,  of  Jehu  son  of 
Omri. 

The  statue  of  a  Shalmaneser  still  stands  on  the 
cliff  above  the  sea  near  the  Dog  river,  to  attest 
this  victory  which  placed  all  Syria  at  the  mercy 
of  Assyria.  The  Hittite  power,  which  had  long 
barred  the  way  to  Palestine,  was  broken  down ; 
and  the  fear  of  further  conquest  fell  on  Israel. 
But  although  in  the  next  year  (839  B.C.)  another 
campaign  was  made,  in  which  four  cities  were 
taken  from  Damascus,  and  tribute  received  from 
Tyre,    Sidon,    and    Gebal,    the    attention    of    the 


TUBAL.  yi 

Assyrians  was  for  a  time  diverted  to  countries 
farther  north,  and  to  the  consolidation  of  their 
new  possessions  in  Northern  Syria. 

In  the  twenty-second  year  (836  B.C.)  the  army 
of  Shalmaneser  took  a  route  by  Malatiya  in 
Armenia,  to  the  forests  near  the  head  of  the 
Jihun  river,  and  the  valleys  of  the  tribes  of  Tubal 
in  Cappadocia,  where  twenty-four  petty  kings  were 
then  ruling.  The  silver-mines  in  these  spurs  of 
the  Taurus  seem  to  have  been  the  object  of  the 
campaign,  and  marble  and  woods  were  also  seized. 
The  way  to  Cilicia  was  thus  opened,  and  next  year 
the  Cappadocians  gave  tribute,  while  the  wars  were 
directed  against  the  Parsua,  who  lived  on  the 
south-west  of  Lake  Urumia,  east  of  Nineveh.  It 
was  not  till  the  twenty-fifth  year  (833  B.C.)  that 
further  attempts  on  the  far  west  were  made, 
when  the  cities  of  the  Guai  north  of  Antioch 
were  attacked,  from  across  the  Amanus.  A  year 
later  these  tribes,  ruled  by  Tulka — apparently  a 
Mongol — gave  tribute  of  silver,  gold,  sheep,  and 
oxen,  while  those  farther  west  fled  inland  to  the 
mountains ;  and  Tarsus  in  Cilicia  submitted  to 
the  Assyrians,  Pikhirim  the  Cilician  king  being 
defeated. 

In  the  twenty-eighth  year  (830  B.C.)  troubles 
arose  among  the  Khattinai,  who  murdered 
Lubarna  the  Assyrian  vassal  king.  Shalmaneser 
himself  no  longer  led  his  army,  but  sent  his 
tartan  or  "great  chief"  to  Kunalua  near  the  Afrin 


72      THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

river,  where,  on  the  submission  of  the  tribe,  a 
great  statue  of  the  king  was  carved,  and  tribute 
of  silver,  gold,  lead,  copper,  iron,  and  ivory  ex- 
acted. The  rebellion  appears  to  have  been  fer- 
mented by  Sapalulme  the  new  king,  allied  with 
Sangara  of  Carchemish,  and  Hayan  of  Samalla, 
though  the  reference  in  this  case  may  be  to  an 
earlier  year.  This  was  the  last  of  Shalmaneser's 
wars  in  Syria,  and  the  latest  campaign  was  led 
by  a  tartan  in  the  thirtieth  year  against  Artasari, 
apparently  an  Aryan  ruler  of  the  Minyans  near 
Lake  Van,  and  of  the  Parsua  farther  east.  In 
the  thirty-fifth  year  of  his  victorious  reign  (823 
B.C.)  Shalmaneser  died,  having  added  to  the 
empire  a  rich  and  civilised  province  in  Syria, 
which  was  held  for  more  than  two  hundred  years 
afterwards  by  the  Assyrians,  besides  enlarging  his 
borders  on  the  north  and  east.  The  ruin  of  the 
Hittite  power  dates  from  the  early  years  of  his 
reign. 

Shamash-Rimmon  II.  succeeded  his  father,  but 
reigned  only  thirteen  years,  till  810  B.C.,  when 
Rimmon-Nirari  III.,  the  grandson  of  Shalmaneser 
II.,  acceded.  Shamash-Rimmon  fought  only  with 
Arameans  and  Elamites,  but  his  successor  was 
forced  to  assert  his  authority  in  Syria,  as  well 
as  against  the  Minyans.  He  attacked  Arpad 
(thirteen  miles  north-west  of  Aleppo)  in  806  B.C., 
and  'Azzaz  in  the  same  region  during  the  following 
year ;  but  no  great  resistance  seems  to  have  been 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    DAMASCUS.  73 

encountered,  and  tribute  was  offered  by  Tyre, 
Sidon,  Damascus,  and  even  Edom.  His  record 
runs  as  follows,1  after  noticing  the  building  of 
temples  and  expeditions  into  Kurdistan  : — 

I  conquered  the  mountain  to  its  farthest  extent,  to  the 
great  sea  of  sunrise  from  beyond  the  river  Euphrates,  the 
land  of  the  Hittites,  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  to  the  limits 
of  the  land  of  Tyre,  the  land  of  Sidon,  the  land  of  Omri, 
the  land  of  Edom,  the  land  of  Philistia,  to  the  great  sea 
where  the  sun  sets.  I  made  them  give  tribute.  I  also 
marched  against  the  land  of  Damascus.  I  shut  up  Mari, 
king  of  the  land,  in  his  royal  city  Damascus.  The  terror 
of  Assur  his  lord  cast  him  to  the  ground  :  he  embraced 
my  feet,  he  offered  allegiance.  I  received  2300  talents  of 
silver,  20  talents  of  gold,  3000  talents  of  copper,  5000 
talents  of  iron,  embroidered  robes  of  cloth,  an  ivory  couch, 
ivory  images.  I  took  away  his  goods,  his  treasure,  his 
property,  uncounted  from  Damascus  his  royal  city,  from 
within  his  palace. 

The  condition  of  Syria  was  thus  that  of  a 
tributary  region ;  but  the  tribute  was  perhaps 
only  paid  when  an  expedition  was  sent  to  demand 
it.  Damascus  still  remained,  under  its  native 
kings,  the  last  bulwark  protecting  Israel  from  the 
north,  but  Galilee  had  already  been  overrun  by 
the  Syrians  (1  Kings  xv.  20),  and  the  dissensions 
of  the  southern  states  rendered  them  helpless 
against  any  sudden  attack.  The  recently  dis- 
covered inscriptions  of  Samalla  (Sinjirli)  cast 
further  light  on  the  condition  of  the  region  near 
the  Taurus,  and  prove  that  the  inhabitants  were 

1  Schrader,  Cuneif.  Inscript.  and  Old  Testament,  vol.  i.  p.  203. 


74      THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

Semitic,  using  the  Phoenician  alphabet  and  lan- 
guage, and  forming  a  link  between  the  Amorites 
and  Arvadites  to  the  south,  and  the  old  Semitic 
population  of  Cilicia  and  Western  Cappadocia, 
which  has  been  already  mentioned.  It  appears 
that  Hayan,  son  of  Gabbar,  was  succeeded  by 
Bar-Karal,  in  the  time  of  Shamash  -  Rimmon ; 
and  the  latter  by  his  son  Panammu  I.,  whose 
statue  of  Hadad  is  inscribed  with  a  text  con- 
veying some  historic  indications.1  We  learn 
that  Yadai,  the  land  of  which  Samalla  was  the 
capital,  was  a  country  of  corn,  wine,  and  oil, 
prospering  under  its  native  kings  in  the  absence 
of  the  Assyrians,  and  unaffected  by  the  con- 
quests of  Jeroboam  II.,  which  probably  followed 
the  ruin  of  Damascus  in  806  B.C.  (2  Kings  xiv. 
25),  but  which  extended  only  to  Hamath.  In 
803  B.C.,  however,  Panammu  I.  was  probably 
visited  when  Rimmon  -  Nirari  marched  west  to 
the  sea,  for  a  later  text  at  Samalla  speaks  of  the 
troubles  of  the  country  as  then  beginning,  and 
lasting  seventy  years,  and  of  the  destruction  of 
flocks  and  herds,  wheat  and  barley,  the  increase 
of  debt  and  scarcity  of  food. 

Shalmaneser  III.,  following  Rimmon-Nirari  III. 
in  781  B.C.,  was  mainly  concerned  with  Armenia, 
though  he  advanced  in  775  B.C.  to  the  "cedar 
country,"     and     two     years     later    to    Damascus. 

1  See  Quarterly  Statement,   Pal.   Expl.  Fund,  January   1896,   pp. 
60-77. 


AZARIAH    OF   JUDAH.  75 

Assur  -  Dan  III.  acceded  in  771  B.C.,  and  a  re- 
bellion in  Arpad  was  quelled  in  the  last  year  of 
his  reign.  The  Assyrian  royal  house  was  decay- 
ing, and  no  conquests  are  recorded  of  the  next 
king,  Assur-Nirari,  who  acceded  in  753,  and  whose 
reign  closed  with  the  rebellion  of  Calah  in  746 
B.C.  Until  the  rise  of  a  new  dynasty,  when 
Tiglath-Pileser  II.  took  the  throne,  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  Syria  appears  to  have  been  left  in 
peace,  and  the  fear  of  Assyria  passed  away  for 
a  time ;  but  the  conquests  of  this  new  and 
vigorous  ruler  were  carried  farther  than  those 
of  any  of  his  predecessors,  and  included  the 
final  overthrow  of  Damascus,  with  raids  far  south 
into  Philistia.  From  the  spring  of  745  B.C.  down 
to  728  B.C.  his  wars  were  incessant,  and  only  the 
last  year  of  his  life  appears  to  have  been  passed 
in  peace.  The  first  two  campaigns  were  against 
Babylon  and  Media,  when  Tiglath  -  Pileser  as- 
sumed the  ancient  titles  "  king  of  Babylon,  king 
of  Sumir  and  Akkad,  king  of  the  four  quarters," 
in  addition  to  that  of  king  of  Assyria.  It  was 
not  until  743  B.C.  that  he  advanced  on  Arpad, 
and  besieged  the  city  for  three  years,  in  the 
second  of  which  Azariah  of  Judah  aided  the  nine- 
teen Hamathite  districts  which  revolted  —  an 
alliance  which  would  seem  to  have  existed 
throughout  the  half -century  of  Azariah's  reign 
(2  Kings  xiv.  28).  The  text  is  broken,  and  is 
thought  to  refer  to  Azariah's  becoming  tributary, 


y6      THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

but  may  perhaps  rather  relate  to  the  tribute  of 
Hamath  during  its  defection  from  Assyria.  The 
north  of  Syria  had  shaken  off  the  yoke,  and  the 
Hamathites  had  conquered  as  far  as  the  Amanus 
in  the  north-west,  with  other  districts  of  uncer- 
tain position  "  on  the  shores  of  the  sea  of  sunset. 
In  their  wickedness  they  plotted  with  Azariah  to 
revolt.  I  restored  their  country  to  Assyria,  I  set 
up  over  them  my  officers  and  residents."  x 

The  first  period  of  Syrian  campaigns,  under 
Tiglath-Pileser  II.,  occupied  five  years  in  all.  In 
739  B.C.  the  Hamathites  were  carried  away  cap- 
tive, and  the  Hittites  gave  tribute,  and  the  record 
of  this  or  of  the  next  year  shows  the  complete- 
ness of  Assyrian  success  : — 

"  I  received  tribute  of  Kustaspi  of  Commagene, 
Rezin  of  Damascus,  Menahem  of  Samaria,  Hiram 
of  Tyre,  Sibitbel  of  Gebal,  Urik  of  the  Guai, 
Pisiris  of  Carchemish,  Iniel  of  Hamath,  Pan- 
ammu  of  Samalla,  Tarkulara  of  the  Gamgums,  Sul- 
umal  of  Malatiya,  Dadil  of  the  Kaska,  Vassurmi 
of  Tubal,"  and  of  other  obscure  tribes,  including 
even  "  Zabibi,  queen  of  the  Arabs."  For  four 
years  the  submission  of  the  west  was  thus  pre- 
served without  further  wars.  In  734  B.C.,  however, 
Syria  became  the  base  of  an  advance  along  the 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  by  Semyra  and  Arka, 
as   far  as   Gaza  in    Philistia.      The    succession    of 

1  Schrader,  Cuneif.  Inscript.  and  Old  Testament,  vol.  i.  pp.  209, 
242-249. 


SAMALLA.  77 

events  is  not  quite  certain,  but  either  in  this  year 
or  after  the  fall  of  Damascus,  tribute  was  received 
from  the  whole  of  Palestine  east  and  west  of  Jor- 
dan, the  Assyrian  advance  through  Bashan  being 
pushed  even  to  Moab,  while  according  to  the  Bible 
Upper  Galilee  was  also  wasted  (2  Kings  xv.  29). 

The  fall  of  Damascus,  in  732  B.C.,  led  to  the 
submission  of  Ahaz  of  Judah.  The  citizens  of  the 
Syrian  capital,  which  was  besieged  during  the  raid 
on  Gilead,  were  impaled  on  its  capture,  the  trees 
were  hewn  down,  and  the  native  dynasty  displaced. 
Pekah  was  set  on  the  throne  of  Samaria,  and  during 
the  following  year,  while  wars  in  Babylonia  began 
against  Merodach-Baladan,  there  was  a  temporary 
respite  in  the  west.  But  apparently  in  729  B.C. 
a  further  expedition  to  the  south  took  place,  when 
Pekah  was  slain,  and  Hoshea  of  Samaria  became 
an  Assyrian  vassal  in  his  stead.  The  triumphal 
inscription  of  the  last  year  of  Tiglath-Pileser  II. 
records  the  result  of  his  wars  as  follows : — 

[I  received  tribute  of]  Matanbel  of  Arvad,  Sanibu 
[Shinab]  of  Beth  Amnion,  Solomon  of  Moab,  .  .  .  Mitinti 
of  Ascalon,  Ahaz  of  Judah,  Kausmelek  of  Edom,  .  .  . 
Hanun  of  Gaza. 

During  the  same  period  the  final  submission  of 
Samalla  took  place.  In  734  B.C.  the  Assyrians 
took  800  captives  or  hostages  from  this  region, 
and  its  king  fled  to  Damascus.  Panammu  II. 
was,  however,  taken  thence,  and  restored  as  an 
Assyrian   vassal   to    his   throne,   according   to   the 


?S      THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

inscription  of  his  son  Bar-Rakab,  which  has  been 
found  in  the  ruins  of  this  Phoenician  city  of  the 
far  north,  and  which  recounts  the  miseries  of  the 
country  before  the  king  of  Assyria : — 

Restored  the  captivity  of  Yadai  .  .  .  and  set  up  [my 
father]  on  his  father's  throne,  and  made  it  better  than 
aforetime.  And  I  myself  have  increased  the  wheat  and 
the  barley,  and  the  flocks,  and  the  grain  in  my  day,  and 
have  eaten  thereof.  .  .  .  There  is,  cheapness  of  price  in 
my  day.  My  father  Panammu  set  up  many  owners  of 
villages,  and  .  .  .  was  great  among  kings.  Did  not  he 
own  silver  and  gold  through  his  wisdom  and  goodness. 
He  received  orders  from  his  protector  the  king  of  Assyria. 
.  .  .  The  Assyrian  chiefs  were  brethren  of  Yadai,  and  his 
lord  the  king  of  Assyria  favoured  him  beyond  other  kings. 
He  was  great  ...  in  the  sight  of  his  lord  Tiglath-Pileser, 
king  of  Assyria,  who  is  obeyed  .  .  .  from  the  rising  of 
the  sun  to  the  going  down  [of  the  same],  in  the  four 
quarters  of  the  earth,  and  has  been  gracious  to  the  west 
and  to  the  east.  And  my  father  [was  given]  borders  by 
his  lord  Tiglath-Pileser  king  of  Assyria  from  the  border 
of  Gargam  .  .  .  (Carchemish).  Moreover,  my  father 
Panammu  was  very  careful  of  fealty  to  his  lord,  Tiglath- 
Pileser  king  of  Assyria :  he  was  very  obedient,  .  .  .  and 
his  people  have  mourned  him  as  king,  and  all  those  who 
obey  his  lord  the  king  of  Assyria  have  mourned  him. 
He  took  the  king  of  Assyria  for  his  lord.  .  .  .  He  spoke 
to  him,  and  made  him  build  a  palace,  and  he  brought  my 
father  from  Damascus,  to  prosper  during  all  the  days  of 
his  reign.  And  I  myself  am  Bar-Rakab ;  for  the  good- 
ness of  my  father  and  of  myself  my  lord  the  king  of 
Assyria  has  placed  me  on  [the  throne]  of  my  father 
Panammu,  the  son  of  Bar-Tsur. 

This  text,  which  concludes  by  dedicating  the 
statue  before  the  tomb  of  Panammu  to  "  Hadad 


SARCON.  79 

god  and  cherub,  lord  of  the  house,  and  Sun,  and 
to  every  god  of  Yadai,"  as  a  memorial  "before 
God  and  before  men,"  receives  a  strange  com- 
mentary in  the  existence  of  records  which  show 
that  in  681  B.C.,  or  half  a  century  later,  the  native 
house  of  Samalla  was  swept  away,  and  an  Assyrian 
official  took  their  place. 

Shalmaneser  IV.  succeeded  his  father  in  727  B.C., 
but  his  annals  have  not  been  discovered.  He  is 
said  by  a  Greek  writer  to  have  besieged  Tyre,  and 
cut  off  its  supply  of  water  through  the  great  aque- 
duct ; l  and  he  began  the  siege  of  Samaria,  which 
city  was  taken  in  722  B.C.,  or  in  the  first  year  of  his 
famous  successor  Sargon,  who  accomplished  the 
final  ruin  of  Carchemish  in  717  B.C.,  transporting 
the  Hittites,  as  he  had  before  transported  Israel, 
to  new  homes  in  the  far  east,  and  replacing  them 
by  Babylonians.  The  Bull  Inscription  of  Sargon 
speaks  of  his  conquest  of  "  all  the  land  of  Tabal, 
the  land  of  Beth  Burutas,  the  land  of  Cilicia,"  and 
(on  a  cylinder  text)  of  "  the  land  of  Ararat,  the 
land  of  the  Kaskai,  the  land  of  Tabal,  as  far  as  the 
land  of  the  Moschi."  But  in  Palestine  the  Assyrian 
authority  was  still  disputed  by  the  kings  of  Judah. 
In  720  B.C.,  Yehubidi  the  Semitic  king  of  Hamath 
revolted,  and  was  defeated  at  Karkar  and  skinned 
alive.  Sargon  then  advanced  against  So  the  king 
of  Egypt  to  Raphia,  Hanun  of  Gaza  being  captured, 

1  Menander.     See  Josephus,  Antiq.,  ix.  14  :    2  Kings  xvii.  3,   5  • 
xviii.  9. 


80      THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

and  in  717  B.C.  Pisiris  of  Carchemish  suffered  the 
same  fate ;  but  later  wars  were  against  Media,  where 
the  Aryan  power  was  steadily  growing,  and  where  a 
king  bearing  the  Persian  or  Medic  name  Bagadatta 
was  attacked.  In  715  B.C.  tribes  from  Hamath, 
and  others  from  districts  in  Mesopotamia,  were 
transplanted  to  Assyria,  and  Sargon  claims  to  have 
received  tribute  from  Egypt,  from  Samsi  of  Arabia, 
and  Ithamar  of  Saba.  In  712  B.C.  Tarkhunazi  (a 
Mongol  chief  of  Malatiya)  was  subdued,  and  in  the 
next  year  Tarkhulara  (also  probably  a  Mongol)  was 
set  over  the  Gamgums,  and  Ashdod  in  Philistia 
was  captured.  A  year  later  Merodach-Baladan  of 
Babylon  was  dethroned,  and  in  709  B.C.  tribute 
was  taken  from  Cyprian  kings.  There  is  a  curious 
notice  of  the  Hittites  in  connection  with  Ashdod 
as  follows  : — 

Azuri  king  of  Ashdod  would  not  give  tribute,  he  hard- 
ened his  heart,  he  sent  to  the  kings  near  him  to  revolt 
from  Assyria.  I  therefore  wrought  vengeance.  I  set  up 
Ahimiti  his  own  brother  to  rule  over  them.  The  people 
of  the  Hittites  plotting  rebellion  despised  his  rule.  Yaman, 
not  a  royal  person,  who  like  them  knew  not  the  duty 
of  tribute,  they  set  over  themselves. 

On  the  advance  of  Sargon  Yaman  fled  to  "a  district 
of  Egypt  on  the  borders  of  Nubia."  The  Assyrians 
besieged  Ashdod,  and  "  took  his  gods,  his  wife,  his 
sons,  his  daughters,  his  goods,  his  treasures,  his 
valuables,  with  hostages  of  the  people  of  his  land." 


SENNACHERIB.  8l 

The  king  of  Egypt  gave  up  the  fugitive,  who  was 
brought  captive  in  chains  before  Sargon  in  Assyria. 
The  interesting  point  in  this  account  is  the  appear- 
ance of  Hittites  in  Philistia ; x  but  as  Carchemish, 
which  Sargon  calls  the  city  of  "  the  king  of  the 
Hittites,"  had  already  been  destroyed,  and  its 
population  removed,  it  is  possible  that  some  of 
the  fugitives  had  taken  refuge  in  the  far  south, 
where  they  endeavoured  to  set  up  a  king  over 
the  Semitic  Philistines. 

Sargon  was  succeeded  by  Sennacherib,  whose 
famous  attack  on  Hezekiah  and  on  Egypt  in 
702  B.C.  was  unsuccessful.  That  the  Assyrians 
met  with  some  great  disaster  near  the  borders  of 
Egypt  seems  to  be  shown,  not  only  by  the  Bible 
account  or  by  the  statement  of  Herodotus,  but 
also  by  an  inscription  of  Tirhakah  of  Egypt  in 
the  Gizeh  Museum,  which  speaks  of  a  campaign 
in  Syria  against  Arvad,  the  Hittites,  and  as  far  as 
the  borders  of  Assyria.  Sennacherib  ruled  from 
705  to  686  B.C.,  but  he  never  appears  to  have  again 
entered  Palestine.  He  is  known  monumentally  to 
have  been  murdered  by  his  son  (compare  2  Kings 
xix.  37),  and  was  succeeded  by  another  son, 
Esarhaddon.  He  was  mainly  engaged  in  later 
years  with  wars  against   Babylon,  and  his  annals 

1  Khorsabad  Text  (Botta,  149,  6) :  Am  Khatti  dabib  zararti  bilut 
su  iziru  ma.  Yamani  la  bel  kassi  sa  kima  sasmui  ma  palakh  biluti 
la  idit  urabbu  elisuuu. 


82      THE    ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

say  little  of  the  condition  of  the  west ;  but  certain 
important  passages  in  the  account  of  his  great 
expedition  may  be  noted  : 1 — 

In  my  third  campaign  I  went  to  the  land  of  the  Hittites. 
I  conquered  Luli  king  of  Sidon.  .  .  .  The  great  Sidon, 
the  little  Sidon,  Beth  Zeit,  Sarepta,  Mahaliba,  Usu,  Achzib, 
Accho,  his  strong  towns,  his  places  of  pasture  and  water,  the 
stations  of  his  army,  by  force  of  the  arms  of  Assur  I  over- 
came. They  submitted  to  me.  I  set  Tubel  on  the 
king's  throne  over  them.  I  imposed  on  him  an  offering 
of  tribute  to  my  government,  as  an  unalterable  yearly 
payment — on  both  Menahem  of  Samsimuruna  and  Tubel 
of  Sidon  :  on  Abdeleth  of  Arvad,  Urumelek  of  Gebal, 
Mitinti  of  Ashdod,  Puduel  of  Beth  Ammon,  Melekram  of 
Moab,  the  kings  of  the  land  of  the  Amorites  all  of  them. 

The  text  continues  to  relate  the  battle  near 
Joppa  in  which  Tirhakah  was  defeated,  and  the 
advance  on  Ekron,  Ascalon,  and  Lachish,  with 
which  we  are  not  immediately  concerned.  The 
passage  as  to  Hezekiah  slurs  over  the  fact  that 
Jerusalem  was  never  reached  save  by  envoys : — 

But  as  for  Hezekiah  of  the  land  of  Judah,  who  was  not 
subject  to  my  yoke,  46  of  his  strong  cities,  and  towns 
of  their  districts  on  their  borders,  of  unknown  names,  I 
attacked,  .  .  .  and  200,150  people  great  and  small,  male 
and  female,  with  horses,  chariot-horses,  asses,  camels, 
bulls,  sheep,  unnumbered,  I  took  from  their  midst.  .  .  . 
He  himself,  like  a  bird  in  a  snare,  shut  himself  up  in 
Jerusalem  his  royal  city,  and  raised  forts  for  himself.  The 
door  of  the  gate  of  his   city  he   barred.      I  cut  off  the 


1  Taylor  Cylinder.  See  Schrader,  Cuneif.  Inscript.  and  Old  Testa- 
ment, vol.  i.  p.  280.  I  have,  however,  suggested  a  slight  change 
justified  by  the  original. 


HEZEKIAH.  8$ 

cities  I  had  wasted  from  his  land.  I  gave  them  to  Mitinti 
king  of  Ashdod,  to  Padi  king  of  Ekron,  to  Zilbel  king  of 
Gaza.  I  diminished  his  land.  .  .  .  The  fear  of  my 
majesty  overcame  even  Hezekiah,  and  he  sent  his  favourite 
soldiers  whom  he  had  gathered  to  defend  Jerusalem  his 
royal  city.  He  paid  tribute,  30  talents  of  gold,  800 
talents  of  silver  molten,  with  many  rubies  and  sapphires, 
a  throne  of  ivory,  tusks,  hides  of  elephants,  and  precious 
woods  of  all  kinds  known,  a  great  treasure ;  and  noble 
ladies  of  his  palace,  slaves  and  slave  -  women,  he  sent 
after  me  to  Nineveh  my  royal  city,  giving  tribute ;  and  as 
my  servant  he  sent  his  envoy. 

The  conquest  of  Palestine  was  delayed  by  this 
resistance  for  a  century,  and  was  effected  not  by 
the  Assyrians  but  by  the  Babylonians  after  the 
fall  of  Nineveh.  Esarhaddon  held  Syria,  and  set 
up  a  magnificent  monolith  at  Samalla,  in  which 
he  records  his  third  expedition  to  Egypt  in  670 
B.C.  Manasseh  was  his  tributary  in  Jerusalem, 
and  this  successful  monarch  calls  himself  "  king 
of  Assur,  suzerain  of  Babylon,  king  of  Sumir  and 
Akkad,  king  of  the  kings  of  Egypt,  of  Pathros, 
of  the  land  of  Cush."  In  673  B.C.  he  mentions 
as  tributaries  "  twenty-two  kings  of  the  Hittites 
and  of  the  sea-coast,"  but  the  old  Mongol  names 
are  no  longer  found  in  his  lists,  the  petty  monarchs 
being  all  Semitic  except  in  Cyprus  (already  con- 
quered by  Sennacherib),  where  they  are  clearly 
Greek.  The  gradual  extermination  of  the  Mon- 
gols is  witnessed  by  the  disappearance  of  the  name 
of  the  Hittites,  in  the  palmy  days  of  Assyrian 
rule  over  all  Western  Asia,  from  Media  to  Cilicia, 


84      THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

and  from  Matiene  to  Egypt,  under  the  prosperous 
Assurbanipal,  the  founder  of  Assyrian  literature  and 
science.  Even  in  Khani-rabbat,  where  Esarhaddon 
defeated  an  enemy,  it  was  probably  with  the  Medes 
who  were  finally  to  ruin  his  empire  that  he  fought, 
the  older  Mongol  Minyans  having  long  since  been 
destroyed. 

With  later  history  of  the  fall  of  Nineveh  and 
of  Babylon,  the  defeat  of  the  Medes,  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Persian  empire  under  Cyrus, 
we  are  not  here  concerned ;  for  the  races  that 
then  contended  for  supremacy  were  Aryan  and 
Semitic,  and  the  old  Mongol  stock  disappears, 
the  names  of  the  Hittites  being  unknown  after 
Esarhaddon.  In  Media,  it  is  true,  a  Mongol 
population  must  have  existed  still,  in  the  time 
of  Darius  I.  about  500  B.C.,  since  one  version  of 
his  great  inscription  at  Behistun  is  in  a  dialect 
admitted  to  be  Mongol,  and  akin  to  the  ancient 
Akkadian,  and  to  the  language  of  the  Minyans  in 
the  fifteenth  century  B.C.  But  it  was  only  in 
Central  Asia,  north  of  the  Oxus,  that  the  ancient 
stock  remained  in  power,  where  gradually  grew 
up  the  Turkish  race,  whose  tongue  preserves  the 
Akkadian  vocabulary  to  our  own  times  :  where 
also  the  Khitai,  whose  power  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury a.d.  extended  over  Bactria  and  Mongolia, 
and  who  yet  earlier  gave  their  name  to  Cathay 
or  China,  might  possibly  be  connected  with  those 
Kheta   or    Hittites   who   were    carried   captive    to 


THE    TURKS.  85 

the  east  by  Sargon.  It  was  not  till  about  1000 
a.d.  that  these  Altaic  peoples  again  obtained 
power  in  the  west,  creating  a  Turkish  empire 
which,  after  many  vicissitudes,  still  dominates  all 
that  part  of  Asia  which  the  Kassites  had  ruled  in 
Abraham's  time ;  but  in  the  dogged  character  of 
the  modern  Turk  we  find  the  same  qualities  which 
enabled  the  Hittite  kings  to  oppose  both  Egyptians 
and  Assyrians  for  nearly  a  thousand  years. 

The  object  of  the  preceding  pages  has  been  to 
place  before  the  reader  a  clear  idea  of  the  known 
facts  regarding  the  ancient  populations  of  Western 
Asia,  and  especially  of  Syria,  and  to  show  both  the 
racial  differences  and  the  civilisation  of  its  tribes 
at  various  periods.  The  importance  of  such  know- 
ledge, in  considering  the  question  of  Hittite  writ- 
ings, is  evident,  and  historical  as  well  as  linguistic 
indications  must  be  held  in  view  in  endeavouring 
to  determine  the  language  in  which  these  texts  are 
inscribed.  The  question  of  race  may  first  be  con- 
sidered from  the  various  statements  that  have  been 
now  collected ;  and  it  will  be  necessary,  in  order 
to  interpret  the  accompanying  sculptures,  to  say 
something  of  the  religious  ideas  of  the  Mongols 
and  of  others :  but  the  monuments  as  we  now  see 
never  speak  of  the  Hittites  themselves  as  suzerains 
of  an  empire,  and  we  must  search  in  other  direc- 
tions for  the  origin  of  a  script  widely  used  in 
Syria,  Asia  Minor,  and  Mesopotamia ;  while,  as 
already  noted,  the  peculiar  character  under  con- 


86      THE   ASSYRIAN    CONQUESTS    IN    SYRIA. 

sideration  was  not  in  general  use  in  1500  B.C., 
nor,  as  far  as  is  known,  at  any  later  time.  His- 
torically, therefore,  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  an 
earlier  period,  when  the  Kassite  Mongols  were 
ruling  all  over  the  west. 

To  sum  up  the  monumental  statements  as  to 
the  Hittites  themselves,  we  find  the  earliest  notice 
of  their  existence  in  North  Syria  in  the  fifteenth 
century  B.C.  After  the  fall  of  the  Egyptian  em- 
pire— about  1450  B.C. — the  Mer'ash  Hittites  spread 
south  to  Kadesh  on  Orontes,  whose  king  a  hundred 
years  later  calls  himself  "  suzerain  of  the  Hittites," 
and  makes  alliance  on  equal  terms  with  Rameses 
II.  This  was  the  palmy  age  of  their  independence 
in  the  great  cities  of  Kadesh,  Hamath,  Aleppo, 
Carchemish,  and  Mer'ash.  On  the  north  were 
tribes  of  the  same  race,  but  of  other  names,  under 
petty  kings — Gamgums,  Tablai,  Moschi,  and  Min- 
yans.  On  the  south-west  were  the  Semitic  Amor- 
ites  and  Phoenicians ;  and  in  Solomon's  time  the 
princes  of  the  Hittites  were  confined  to  Syria,  as 
they  already  were  also  in  Joshua's  age. 

As  we  advance  in  history  the  area  of  the  Hittite 
country  diminishes,  until  we  hear  of  them  only  at 
Carchemish.  Syrian  populations  pushed  them  out 
of  Hamath,  and  Phoenicians  settled  in  Samalla. 
The  Khattinai  (or  Patinai,  as  the  word  may  also 
be  read),  living  west  of  Aleppo,  may  have  been 
a  kindred  tribe  in  the  ninth  century  B.C.,  and 
the    northern    peoples  —  Gamgums,    Tablai,    and 


THE    MEDES.  8j 

Moschi — continued  to  be  ruled  by  Mongol  chiefs 
in  Sargon's  time  after  the  fall  of  Carchemish.  But 
the  Samalla  chiefs  were  Semitic,  and  a  Semitic 
people  lived  in  Cilicia,  and  probably  in  Western 
Cappadocia,  as  early  as  1500  B.C.  The  Phrygians 
and  other  Aryans  from  Europe  held  the  north  of 
Asia  Minor  quite  as  early,  and  about  850  B.C. 
the  Medes  appear  to  have  replaced  the  older 
Mongol  population  near  Lake  Van,  while  some- 
what later  the  names  of  rulers  in  Commagene 
seem  also  to  be  Aryan.  East  of  the  Euphrates 
the  Hittites  appear  only  as  occasional  invaders. 
The  name  is  that  of  a  Syrian  tribe  belonging  to 
what  is  sometimes  called  the  Altaic  stock,  and  the 
kings  of  the  Hittites  are  never  historically  known 
as  suzerains  of  other  peoples. 


S8 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

In  glancing  over  the  history  of  more  than  two 
thousand  years  in  the  preceding  chapters,  we 
have  met  with  tribes  belonging  to  each  of  the 
three  great  Asiatic  stocks,  commonly  called  Tu- 
ranian, Semitic,  and  Aryan.  The  Turanians  or 
Mongols,  whose  home  seems  to  have  been  in 
Media,  sent  out  two  great  swarms — the  Sumerians 
to  the  south-west,  and  the  Kassites  on  the  north- 
west. The  former,  though  ruling  some  "  dark 
race,"  were  of  pure  blood  ;  the  latter,  who  spread 
over  Syria  and  southern  Asia  Minor,  were  early 
mingled  with  the  Semitic  peoples,  whose  home 
appears  to  have  been  near  Ararat.  These  Ara- 
means  first  appear  in  history  about  2100  B.C., 
and  soon  colonised  the  Lebanon  and  its  shores 
as  Phoenicians  and  Amorites,  occupying  all  Pales- 
tine before  1600  B.C.,  where,  however,  they  seem 
to  have  been  preceded  by  Mongols  ;  they  spread 
yet    farther    south    into    the    Delta,    and   on    the 


THE   ARYANS.  89 

north  -  west  to  Cappadocia  and   Cilicia  about  the 
same  time.      The  Aryans  first  appear  about  1300 
B.C.,    pushing   east    and   south    from    Thrace    and 
Greece ;    but  it   is  not    until   about  850  B.C.   that 
they  are  noticed  as  issuing  from  the  Caucasus  in 
the   neighbourhood  of  Lake  Van.      The  cradle  of 
this  race  was  on  the  north  shores  of  the  Caspian, 
whence  the  main  swarms  followed  the  steppes  of 
Southern  Russia  and  spread  over  Europe,  super- 
seding Finnic  tribes,  of  whom  the  last  traces  are 
found  in  the  Basques  between  France  and  Spain. 
The   eastern    swarm    descended   into    Media,    and 
passed  along  the  Oxus  into  Bactria,  whence  some 
went  on  to  India  (apparently  about  800  B.C.),  and 
others    at    the    same    time    overcame    the    earlier 
Mongols    of    Persia.      These    eastern    Aryans    are 
usually   called    Iranians  —  a   name    still   surviving 
among  the   Iron  of  the  Caucasus,  whose  customs 
resemble   those  of  Persia.      It  was    not  until  the 
sixth    century  B.C.   that   they  won   the   empire  of 
Western  Asia,  and,  under  Persian  kings,  the  later 
Lycians  appear  to  have  been  of  Medic  race.     But 
Aryans   had  already  reached    Cappadocia   by  650 
B.C.,  while  the   European   Phrygians,   at  a  period 
supposed  to  date  back  to  at  least  1000  B.C.,  had 
colonised  the  north  part  of  Asia   Minor  in  com- 
pany   with    the    Bithynians    from    Thrace.      The 
Armenians    were    of    Phrygian    origin,    and    had 
advanced    far    east    by    the    middle    of   the    fifth 
century  B.C. 


!TY 


90  THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

We  may  now  consider  more  in  detail  ques- 
tions of  language  and  of  race  —  under  the  heads 
of  Mongol,  Semitic,  and  Aryan  stocks  —  which 
are  important  in  forming  a  judgment  as  to  the 
character  of  the  language  and  script,  which  is 
the  main  subject  of  inquiry.  Even  from  the  first 
it  is  difficult  to  point  to  either  a  race  or  a  lan- 
guage which  is  entirely  pure,  for  the  various 
nations  were  intermingled  and  intermarried,  and 
the  languages  borrowed  from  each  other  terms 
for  foreign  objects.  Yet,  broadly  speaking,  the 
distinction  of  race  can  be  recognised  on  sculp- 
tures without  difficulty ;  while  the  various  classes 
of  speech  are  equally  separated  by  grammatical 
structure,  even  when  the  vocabulary  is  mixed. 

The  present  racial  conditions  are  not  as  different 
as  might  perhaps  be  expected  from  those  found  in 
Asia  at  an  early  historic  period,  while  the  three 
great  stocks  speak  the  same  class  of  language  re- 
spectively, in  our  own  time,  that  they  spoke  from 
the  first.  No  race  has  ever  willingly  abandoned 
the  speech  of  its  fathers ;  and  if  a  languages  dies 
out  it  is  because  the  old  pure  stock  that  spoke  it 
has  also  died,  or  become  fused  with  some  stronger 
people.  The  result  of  foreign  conquest  is  to  pro- 
duce a  mixed  vocabulary,  and  if  the  languages  of 
conqueror  and  conquered  are  akin,  a  new  form 
of  speech  is  created — as  has  happened  in  England 
itself.  It  is  the  tongue  of  the  majority  that  pre- 
vails, the  tongue  of  the   more  civilised  that  fur- 


LANGUAGE.  91 

nishes  terms  relating  to  culture ;  but  the  native 
language  may  still  be  recognised,  in  spite  of  the 
change  of  vocabulary,  by  grammatical  structure, 
which  is  the  most  enduring  feature  of  speech. 
Thus  the  pure  Persian  of  the  sixth  century  B.C. 
soon  became  full  of  Semitic  terms  after  the  con- 
quest of  Babylonia,  and  modern  Persian  has  a 
large  Arabic  vocabulary,  but  retains  its  distinctive 
Aryan  grammar.  The  Turkish  of  Central  Asia  is 
almost  pure ;  that  of  the  Ottomans  is  so  mixed 
with  Persian  and  Arabic,  that  only  about  one  word 
in  ten  in  an  Ottoman-Turkish  dictionary  is  really 
Turkish.  Yet  the  grammar  of  the  Turkestan  dia- 
lects is  preserved  almost  unaffected  in  the  speech 
of  Constantinople. 

The  ancient  Mongol  speech  of  the  west  is  now 
represented  by  Turkish  —  the  tongue  of  Asia 
Minor  —  while  Persian  is  the  surviving  descen- 
dant of  the  language  of  Medes  and  Iranians.  The 
Semitic  stock,  covering  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Arabia, 
still  uses  in  the  Arabic  dialects  a  language  closely 
connected  with  the  ancient  Assyrian.  The  Phryg- 
ian is  represented  by  Armenian  —  a  pure  Aryan 
language  which  is  intermediate  between  the  Iran- 
ian and  the  Slav  families  of  speech,  while  in  the 
west  of  Anatolia  Greek  is  largely  spoken  by  citizens 
and  traders.  The  three  races  are  still  distinguished 
by  the  same  three  classes  of  language  which  they 
used  from  the  first,  and  their  geographical  pos- 
itions are  unchanged.     It  appears,  therefore,  that 


92  THE    RACES    OF   WESTERN    ASIA. 

although  mixed  tribes — Aryan  and  Mongol — now 
live  in  the  Caucasus,  as  they  were  living  together 
when  Herodotus  wrote  in  the  fifth  century  B.C., 
and  speak  mixed  languages  as  do  the  Aryanised 
Mongols  of  Kurdistan,  still  we  may  regard  lan- 
guage— especially  in  early  times — as  the  surest  indi- 
cation of  race  that  we  possess. 

It  is  beyond  the  present  purpose  to  inquire  into 
the  origin  of  speech,  and  the  relations  of  the  vari- 
ous classes  of  languages.  The  Aryan  and  Turan- 
ian, or  Mongolic,  are  more  closely  connected  with 
each  other  than  they  are  with  highly  developed 
Semitic  speech.  The  latter  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
related  in  a  recognisable  manner  to  the  ancient 
Egyptian.  But  Aryan  speech  is  inflected,  whereas 
Mongolic  languages  are  of  ruder  agglutinative  struc- 
ture. Semitic  tongues  are  yet  more  highly  inflected, 
while  the  ancient  Egyptian  only  approaches  to  that 
later  stage  of  speech.  The  roots  of  all  Asiatic 
languages,  and  of  Egyptian,  are  so  similar,  and 
the  cradles  of  the  Asiatic  stocks,  in  the  upland 
valleys  of  Kurdistan  and  the  Caucasus,  are  so  close 
together,  that  we  may  well  suppose  a  prehistoric 
period  in  which  a  single  primitive  race  spoke  a 
single  primitive  tongue  in  this  cradle  of  mankind. 
We  are  concerned,  however,  with  later  historic 
languages,  which  developed  very  distinct  peculi- 
arities among  peoples  who — when  population  was 
sparse  and  settlements  far  apart — may  have  be- 
come  (like  the    modern   Caffres    of   South    Africa) 


MIXED    RACES.  93 

unable,  in  a  very  few  generations,  to  understand 
each  others'  dialects. 

As  regards  race,  however,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  communications  over  great  distances, 
between  various  nations,  have  been  shown  to 
have  existed  from  the  very  earliest  known  times ; 
and  it  has  also  been  shown  that  intermarriages 
between  the  various  stocks  were  not  uncommon. 
The  examples  of  kings,  who  made  political  mar- 
riage alliances,  may  have  been  followed  by  their 
subjects.  Amenophis  III.  had  Babylonian  and 
Armenian  wives,  Rameses  II.  admired  the  beauty 
of  the  Hittite  princess  whom  he  wedded  (as  the 
historian  particularly  states),  and  Shalmaneser 
II.  took  brides  with  dowries  from  both  Mongol 
and  Semitic  vassal  rulers.  We  find  the  same 
mingling  of  race  in  the  early  part  of  the  Old 
Testament  history.  Hagar  was  an  Egyptian, 
and  her  son  Ishmael  only  half  Hebrew.  Esau 
married  both  Hittites  and  Ishmaelites,  some  of 
his  descendants  thus  having  in  their  veins  the 
blood  of  three  races.  Solomon  married  not  only 
Egyptian,  Ammonite,  and  Moabite  women,  but 
Hittites  as  well.  Even  Moses  had  a  Cushite 
wife,  and  if  Hittites  are  mentioned  in  the  Bible 
with  Semitic  names,  it  is  probably  because  the 
pure  stock  was  rapidly  mingling  in  the  south 
with  Semitic  tribes.  In  the  north  also,  where 
Iranians,  Arameans,  and  Mongols  may  at  one 
time   (about   700   B.C.)   have  been    living   together 


94  THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

in  Cappadocia,  as  Jews,  Greeks,  Armenians, 
Kurds,  and  Turks  now  live  together  in  Asia 
Minor,  it  is  probable  that  much  mingling  of  race 
took  place.  Some  of  the  Scythians,  as  described 
by  Herodotus,  appear  to  have  been  Mongols ;  but 
most  of  those  who,  in  his  day,  spoke  fifteen  dif- 
ferent dialects,  were  clearly  Aryans ;  while  in 
Lydia  and  Caria,  although  the  languages  were 
Aryan  in  the  seventh  century  B.C.,  Mongol  words 
were  still  to  be  found,  pointing  to  admixture  with 
the  older  Mongol  population.  From  Lydia, 
according  to  tradition,  the  Mongol  Etruscans 
reached  Italy,  and  mixed  with  Aryans  —  the 
Umbrians,  Oscans,  and  Latins.  In  the  Cau- 
casus, which  was  filled  in  later  times  with 
broken  tribes  —  Jews,  Arabs,  and  Turks  flying 
from  the  Aryans  of  Persia — we  find  a  very  primi- 
tive Aryan  population  in  the  Iron  tribes,  side 
by  side  with  the  Mongol  Lazis.  In  Russia  the 
Finns  and  the  Ugric  peoples  are  mingled  with 
Slavs,  as  the  Austrians  are  mixed  with  Hun- 
garians of  Mongol  origin.  It  is  indeed  impos- 
sible now  to  point  to  any  part  of  the  world  in 
which  a  single  pure  stock  can  be  found  living 
alone,  and  it  is  almost  as  impossible  even  five 
thousand  years  ago  to  indicate  a  quite  pure  race. 
But  we  are  concerned  with  the  royal  governing 
class  in  dealing  with  royal  records,  and  pride  of 
race  among  both  Semitic  and  Mongol  peoples 
generally    kept    up    the    purity    of    the    stock    in 


MONGOL    RACES.  95 

ruling  families,  as  also  in  a  remarkable  degree 
among  the  Aryan  Persians. 

There  is  nothing  new  or  revolutionary  in  the 
idea  that  the  first  ruling  race,  all  over  Western 
Asia,  was  Mongol.  It  has  been  argued  with 
clearness  by  Sir  H.  Rawlinson,  by  F.  Lenormant, 
and  by  many  later  scholars.  Dr  Oppert  and  Dr 
Sayce  call  the  /Akkadians  an  "  Altaic  people,*' 
referring  to  the  connection  between  the  Akkadian 
language  and  that  of  the  Ural-Altaic  or  Turkish 
tribes  of  Central  Asia.  The  evidence  of  type 
and  language  is  conclusive,  and  we  may  proceed 
to  consider  in  order  the  physical  characteristics, 
speech,  and  customs,  first  of  the  Turanian  or 
Mongol  tribes,  and  more  briefly  those  of  Semitic 
and  Aryan  races  in  the  same  regions  between 
Persia  and  the  Mediterranean. 

It  is  difficult  to  find  a  satisfactory  term  to 
describe  the  early  race  of  Media.  The  word 
Turanian  is  indefinite ;  the  word  Mongol  as  usually 
understood  is  too  special ;  the  word  Altaic  presents 
the  objection  that  it  supposes  the  race  to  originate 
in  the  Altai  mountains  of  Central  Asia,  whereas 
its  cradle  was  probably  farther  west :  the  terms 
Akkadian  and  Sumerian  are  geographical,  not 
ethnical ;  and  the  name  Kassite  belonged  to  a 
single  tribe.  But  English  scholars  usually  speak 
of  the  Akkadians,  and  French  or  German  scholars 
of  the  Sumerians,  as  the  original  civilisers  of 
Chaldea.     Adopting  the  latter  and  more  generally 


96  THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

used  term,  it  is  to  be  understood  that  the  type  of 
the  Sumerians  racially  was  not  that  of  the  Eastern 
Mongols,  such  as  we  find  in  the  heavy  Mantchus 
or  the  Chinese.  It  was  rather  the  type  of  the  pure 
Turks  and  Tartars  of  Bactria,  as  preserved  to  our 
own  times  among  the  Turks  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
among  the  Kalmucks  —  a  people  well  made,  of 
moderate  stature,  and  not  inclined  to  obesity  like 
the  Mantchus.  The  forehead  is  often  receding, 
and  the  chin  as  well,  with  a  large  nose,  sometimes 
curved,  sometimes  straight  and  thick.  The  eyes 
have  a  slight  obliquity,  but  not  as  exaggerated  as 
in  China :  the  complexion  is  light,  the  hair  dark, 
and  the  beard  is  scanty,  and  only  grows  late  in 
life.  The  head,  which  is  the  most  marked  racial 
peculiarity,  is  short  and  round,  and  the  cheek- 
bones high  and  wide.  It  is  not  either  a  very 
highly  intellectual  or  beautiful  type,  but  betokens 
the  stubborn  will  and  endurance  which  have  always 
made  the  Tartars  formidable  as  warriors  and  rulers. 
The  statues  and  bas-reliefs  of  Tell  Loh  (Zirgul) 
present  this  type,  the  faces  being  usually  beardless, 
though  aged  kings,  such  as  Naramaku,  are  some- 
times bearded.  The  two  heads  of  statues  recovered 
present  a  better  type  than  the  bas-reliefs.  In  one 
the  skull  is  large  and  round,  and  the  nose  arched. 
The  other  greatly  resembles  the  features  of  a 
modern  Turk  of  the  upper  class ;  and  the  head, 
with  broad  cheek  -  bones,  is  covered  with  an 
astrakan-wool    cap.      The   bas-reliefs    representing 


MONGOL    DRESS.  97 

Urnina  and  his  family,  or  showing  workmen 
building  a  mound  over  the  bodies  of  the  dead, 
present  a  more  exaggerated  type,  with  large  noses, 
receding  chins  and  foreheads,  and  slanting  eyes. 
The  Sumerian  priests  appear,  like  the  Phoenicians 
and  Egyptians,  to  have  shaved  their  heads,  and 
all  the  figures  as  a  rule  have  hairless  faces.  It  is 
probable  also  that  the  head  was  shaved  in  fulfil- 
ment of  a  sagba  or  vow,  as  among  Semitic  peoples, 
the  long  hair  being  an  offering  to  the  deity  in 
whose  name  the  vow  was  made.  Sacred  gar- 
ments of  skins  seem  also  to  be  represented  on 
both  deities  and  worshippers,  unless  the  marking 
represent  striped  dresses  such  as  are  common  in 
the  East.  Long  robes  and  high  hats,  such  as 
are  now  worn  by  Persians,  Kurds,  and  Circassians, 
distinguish  princes  from  their  subjects ;  and  the 
round  lamb's -wool  cap,  now  worn  by  Asiatic 
Turks,  is  also  represented,  indicating  probably  an 
original  home  in  countries  colder  than  the  Meso- 
potamian  plains.  The  weapons  include  short  thick 
swords,  spears  and  bows,  and  chariots  were  also 
used  by  the  Sumerians  in  war. 

Without  entering  into  a  grammatical  disquisi- 
tion, it  is  enough  to  say  of  the  Sumerian 
language  that  it  presents  all  the  main  features 
of  Turkish  speech.  The  syntax  is  unlike  that  of 
either  Aryan  or  Semitic  languages.  The  verb 
must  always  stand  at  the  end  of  the  clause,  and 
post  -  positions    are    used    instead   of  prepositions, 

G 


98  THE    RACES    OE    WESTERN    ASIA. 

while  there  are  no  genders  of  nouns,  and  only 
two  tenses  for  verbs.  The  "vowel  harmony," 
which  makes  the  suffix  agree  with  its  root  in 
vowel  sound  (as  in  Turkish),  and  also  a  "con- 
sonantal harmony "  (equally  Turkish),  are  peculi- 
arities which,  though  found  in  Celtic  and  Iranian 
speech,  have  died  out  of  other  Aryan  languages. 
The  peculiar  "  encapsulation,"  by  which  a  case 
suffix  governs  a  string  of  nouns,  is  equally  a  mark 
of  Mongol  speech.  The  vocabulary  contains  up- 
wards of  three  hundred  words,1  which  are  easily 
compared  with  pure  Turkish  and  with  Mongolian. 
It  should  be  noted  that  the  meaning  of  Sumerian 
words  is  obtained,  not  only  from  the  original  texts 
in  that  language,  but  from  thirty  bilinguals,  in 
which  Akkadian  hymns,  songs,  and  tales  have 
been  translated  into  Assyrian,  in  the  time  of 
Assurbanipal.  The  language  is  still  not  per- 
fectly mastered,  but  its  character  and  vocabulary 
are  thus  placed  beyond  doubt. 

The  language  of  Sinim  or  Elam  is  less  known 
than  the  Sumerian,  only  three  or  four  texts  having 
been  found.  The  names  of  Elamite  kings  of  the 
earlier  period  appear  to  be  Mongolic,  and  the 
inscription  of  Kudur  -  Nanhundi,  and  those  at 
Susa,  certainly  belong  to  the  same  class  of  speech. 
Certain  changes,  such  as  m  for  the  nasal  ng,  and  t 

1  Dr  Hommel  has  pointed  out  some  of  these,  others  are  given  by 
F.  Lenormant.  See  the  results  of  my  own  study  of  the  vocabulary  in 
'Journal  Royal  Asiatic  Society,'  October  1893. 


AKKADIAN    SPEECH.  99 

or  d  for  k,  are  believed  to  distinguish  the  Sumerian 
and  the  Akkadian  ;  and  similar  changes  distinguish 
Turkestan  dialects  of  the  present  day.  The  lan- 
guage was  guttural,  but  the  definitions  of  sound 
were  not  as  perfect  as  among  Aryan  or  Semitic 
peoples.  The  g,  k,  and  kh  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  very  distinct,  while  b,  m,  and  v  among  labials, 
t  and  d  in  the  dentals,  and  s  and  z  in  the  sibilants, 
were  interchanged.  The  distinction  of  long  and 
short  vowels  had  also  not  the  importance  that  it 
assumes  in  inflected  Aryan  speech.  Yet  the  lan- 
guage was  that  of  a  civilised  people,  who  had 
native  names  for  the  numerals  to  a  thousand,  for 
colours,  and  for  metals,  including  gold,  silver, 
copper,  bronze,  lead,  tin,  and  iron,  and  names  for 
different  kinds  of  gems,  for  the  horse  and  camel, 
as  well  as  the  ass,  for  chariots,  ships,  ploughs, 
houses,  and  cities,  and  for  temples  and  pyramids. 
Most  of  these  are  still  found  in  existing  languages, 
thus  confirming  the  Assyrian  translations  of  the 
words. 

Of  the  Kassite  language  much  less  is  known. 
The  names  of  Kassite  kings  are  translated  on  an 
existing  tablet,  and  serve  to  show  that  their  speech 
was  akin  to  the  Sumerian.  Such  words,  for  in- 
stance, as  gal,  great,  and  zu,  thou,  are  common  to 
both  languages  ;  and  others  like  am,  family,  and 
ulaui,  son,  recall  the  Turkish  aim,  tribe,  and  ulan, 
boy.  Very  few  of  the  Kassite  names,  even  as 
copied  out  by  Semitic  scribes,  can  be  supposed  to 


IOO  THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

be    Semitic,   and  the  translation   was    a  necessity 
in  consequence. 

North  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  the  region  of 
Mitanni  stretched  between  Erzerum  and  the  great 
Lake  Van,  and  even  extended  at  one  time  to  the 
river  Halys.  It  is  called  Matiene  by  Herodotus,  and 
its  inhabitants  in  1500  B.C.  were  Minni  or  Minyans, 
a  title  mentioned  in  the  Bible  (Jer.  li.  27),  and  well 
known  to  later  Assyrians  and  Greeks.  The  Minni 
were  ruled  by  Khakhans — a  title  which  is  commonly 
found  throughout  history  among  Turkish  tribes ; 
and,  as  already  mentioned,  a  letter  by  Dusratta, 
the  Minyan  king,  to  Amenophis  III.  is  written  in 
the  native  language,  which  closely  resembles  that 
of  Media  as  found  at  Behistun  in  500  B.C.  The 
cases  of  the  noun  are  the  same  now  used  in 
Turkish,  the  structure  is  agglutinative,  the  syntax 
is  Mongol,  and  the  vocabulary  compares  to  a  great 
extent  with  the  Sumerian.  The  evidence  of  this 
letter  enables  us  to  say  that  the  earlier  inhabitants 
of  Southern  Armenia  were  of  the  same  stock  with 
the  Kassites  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.C.  Their 
power  and  civilisation  were  great,  and  the  Hyksos 
rulers  of  Egypt  sprang  from  the  same  race ;  but 
we  have  no  sculptures  to  enable  us  to  describe 
with  certainty  the  Minyan  features  or  dress,  unless 
they  be  recognised  in  the  bas-reliefs  of  Eyuk 
and  Boghaz  -  Keui,  on  the  western  borders  of 
Matiene. 

Of    the    Hittites    much    more    is    known,    from 


HITTITE    DRESS.  101 

Egyptian  bas  -  reliefs  and  inscriptions,  and  it  is 
very  generally  admitted  that  they  were  a  Mongol 
people.  The  stern  hairless  faces  of  their  chiefs, 
with  slanting  eyes,  receding  foreheads,  and  large 
curved  noses,  are  faithfully  represented  on  the 
walls  of  Karnak  near  Thebes.  The  high  cap  worn 
by  Khetasar  recalls  the  still  more  remarkable 
pointed  caps  of  the  Boghaz-Keui  reliefs.  It  was 
a  head-dress  worn  later  by  Scythians,  and  by 
natives  of  Media,  and  resembled  the  tutulus  repre- 
sented in  Etruscan  tombs.  It  was  also  a  dis- 
tinctive Turkish  head-dress  —  though  surrounded 
by  the  Moslem  turban  —  down  to  quite  recent 
times,  and  a  distinctive  costume  not  found  in  use 
among  Aryan  or  Semitic  peoples.  Another  marked 
peculiarity  of  the  Hittites  was  the  wearing  of 
pigtails,  like  the  Tartars.  The  pigtail  was  not 
a  Chinese  fashion,  but  was  very  unwillingly 
adopted  in  China  after  the  Mongol  conquest. 
Not  only  do  these  pigtails  distinguish  the  Hit- 
tites at  Karnak,  but  they  occur  also  on  the 
"Hittite"  bas-reliefs  of  Carchemish.  They  are 
found  on  Akkadian  gems,  and  they  seem  to  be 
represented  also  among  the  Susians,  on  the  fine 
battle  -  pictures  of  Assurbanipal,  about  650  B.C. 
Racial  type  and  costume  thus  seem  alike  to  iden- 
tify the  Hittites  as  of  Mongol  race. 

The  evidence  of  language  is  the  same.  A  single 
letter  from  Tarkhundara  of  Rezeph,  who  calls  him- 
self "prince  of  the  Hittites,"  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 


102  THE    RACES    OF   WESTERN    ASIA. 

tury  B.C.,  has  been  already  noticed.  The  language 
is  expressed  in  well-understood  cuneiform  symbols, 
and  is  admitted  by  specialists  not  to  be  Semitic, 
but  to  present  points  of  grammatical  similarity 
to  the  Akkadian.  It  can  no  longer  be  doubted 
that  the  Hittites  not  only  were  Mongols  by  race, 
but  that  they  spoke  a  Mongol  language.  The 
word  Tarkon,  which  is  a  common  constituent  of 
royal  names  or  titles  among  Hittites  and  neigh- 
bouring tribes,  is  found  also  in  Etruscan  (whence 
the  well-known  Tarquin),  in  Turkish  as  Tarkhan 
or  Targan,  and  in  Mongolian  as  Dargo,  with 
the  meaning  "tribe-chief,"  and  both  tar  and  khan 
are  Akkadian  words  for  "tribe"  and  "prince." 
It  is  only  natural  to  conclude  that  the  texts  ac- 
companying pigtailed  figures  at  Carchemish,  and 
generally  assigned  to  the  Hittites,  are  probably 
written  in  a  dialect  of  the  same  language  found 
among  Kassites,   Minyans,  and  Sumerians. 

The  only  alternative  to  this  view  is  put  forward 
by  scholars  who  point  to  the  inscriptions  found  in 
the  Minyan  country,  dating  from  about  840  B.C., 
in  a  language  known  as  Vannic.  The  existence 
of  so-called  "Hittite"  monuments  in  Cappadocia 
and  Matiene  is  pointed  out  in  support  of  this 
view.  But  the  date  is  much  later  than  that  which 
must  be  attributed  to  the  Hittite  script,  since  they 
had  adopted  the  later  cuneiform  by  1500  b.c 
Lenormant,  whose  linguistic  studies  were  of  high 
value,  proposed  to  compare  the  Vannic  language 


GEORGIAN    AND    VANNIC.  103 

with  the  Georgian  of  the  Caucasus,  but  never 
carried  out  his  intention.  The  theory  has  sur- 
vived, but  the  necessary  comparisons  have  not 
been  produced.  The  Georgian  words  for  nouns 
and  verbs  of  which  the  meaning  is  known  in 
Vannic  do  not  bear  any  resemblance.  Georgian 
is  a  modern  and  very  mixed  dialect.  It  is  in- 
flexional, and  the  cases  of  its  noun  are  Aryan ; 
but  its  vocabulary  is  full  of  borrowed  words.  Its 
literature  goes  back  only  to  the  eighth  century  a.d. 
— a  date  much  too  late  to  be  of  any  use  in  com- 
parison with  Vannic,  and  the  theory  is  thus  un- 
supported and  leads  to  no  result.  Vannic,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  an  inflexional  language,  of  which  the 
vocabulary  compares  easily  with  the  pure  Persian 
of  the  time  of  Darius  I.,  and  yet  more  closely  with 
the  Iranian  (probably  Medic)  language  known  some- 
what later  from  the  monuments  of  Lycia.  The 
Medes,  we  have  seen,  had  already  reached  the 
neighbourhood  of  Lake  Van  by  850  B.C.,  and  the 
Aryan  character  of  their  language  has  been  shown 
by  Sir  H.  Rawlinson.  If  it  be  admitted  that  the 
texts  now  in  question — commonly  called  "  Hittite  " 
— are  written  in  a  suffixing  agglutinative  language, 
and  that  they  were — at  least  in  Syria — written  by 
the  Hittites,  it  follows  that  the  Vannic  language 
cannot  assist  our  inquiry,  being  Iranian  and  in- 
flected, and  belonging,  not  to  the  old  Mongol 
population  of  this  region,  but  to  later  Medic  con- 
querors,   after    the   original    Minni   had   been    de- 


104  THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

stroyed  by  Assyria.  Neither  will  Armenian  be 
found  comparable  either  in  grammar  or  in  vocab- 
ulary with  the  Hittite.  It  is  not  a  suffixing  but 
a  pure  Aryan  language,  using  prepositions  and 
prefixes,  and  belonging  to  the  European  group, 
so  that  it  does  not  either  compare  closely  with 
the  Vannic.  None  of  the  distinctive  titles  or 
known  words  of  the  Hittite  have  ever  been  shown 
to  exist  in  either  Georgian,  Vannic,  or  Armenian. 
They  have  been  found  only  in  early  Mongol  speech 
and  in  the  Turkish  which  has  sprung  thence.1 

A  few  words  may  be  added  as  to  the  Mongol 
tribes  which  surrounded  the  Hittites  and  bordered 
on  Matiene.  The  names  of  various  chiefs  of  such 
tribes  have  already  been  noticed,  and  these  appear 
to  be  neither  Aryan  nor  Semitic,  but  in  some  cases 
are  clearly  Mongolic,  as  has  long  been  upheld  by 
Sir  H.  Rawlinson  and  by  other  scholars. 

The  Ligyes  were  a  people  living  west  of  Matiene,2 
but  whether  the  Leka  or  Luku  of  Egyptian  records 

1  Dr  Sayce,  writing  in  1884,  says  :  "There  is  also  another  inflec- 
tional family  of  speech  known  as  Alarodian,  once  spoken  through  the 
Armenian  highlands,  of  which  Georgian  is  now  the  chief  representa- 
tive/' I  am  not  aware  of  any  evidence  for  such  a  statement.  Mongol 
and  Aryan  languages  in  this  region  are  known.  Sir  H.  Rawlinson 
(Rawlinson's  'Herodotus,'  vol.  i.  p.  702,  vol.  iii.  p.  190,  3rd  ed.)  re- 
gards the  tribe  of  Alarodians  as  Mongols,  the  Scythians  and  Medes  as 
Aryans.  Vannic  is  an  East  Aryan  language,  Georgian  a  corrupted 
Aryan  dialect,  Hittite  a  Mongol  dialect.  They  cannot,  therefore,  be 
grouped  together  to  form  a  new  hypothetical  family  of  speech. 

2  Herodotus  (Rawlinson,  vol.  iii.  p.  230). 


MONGOL    TRIBES.  105 

are  the  same,  or  represent  the  Lycians,  is  doubt- 
ful, the  next  tribe  in  Assyrian  records  being  the 
Kaska,  whose  chief  Dadilu  is  noticed  in  738  B.C. 
North  of  these  were  the  Muskai  (Meshech,  Gen 
x.  2),  who  had  five  chiefs  in  1130  B.C.,  and  are 
thought  to  have  been  also  Mongols,  and  west  of 
these  the  Tablai  (Tubal,  Gen.  x.  2)  with  twenty- 
four  chiefs  in  836  B.C.,  and  one  named  Vassurmi  a 
century  later.  Esarhaddon  speaks  of  "the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  forests  on  the  borders  of  the  Tablai " 
near  the  head  of  the  river  -  valleys  leading  down 
to  Cilicia.  The  Guai  (whose  name  recalls  the 
Koa  of  the  Bible)  lived  farther  west,  and  in  the 
eighth  century  the  names  Urikku,  Kirri,  and 
Kati  are  noted  among  their  chiefs,  while  Cilicia 
included  the  Kiti,  whose  chief  was  Pikhirim,  in 
the  same  century.  Farther  east,  on  the  Upper 
Euphrates  at  Malatiya,  the  names  of  Sulumal 
in  735  B.C.,  and  of  Tarkhunazi  in  712  B.C.,  are 
distinctively  Mongol.  In  Commagene,  however, 
the  kings  named  Kundaspi  in  854,  and  Kustaspi 
in  727,  might  be  Aryan,  while  Katazilu  is  noticed 
earlier  in  857,  and  Mutallu  in  708  B.C.  The  Gam- 
gums  were  in  all  probability  Mongols,  the  name 
perhaps  meaning  "  conquerors,"  and  their  chief 
from  738  to  711  B.C.  bore  the  Mongol  name 
Tarkhulara,  and  yet  earlier  in  857  B.C.  another 
was  named  Mutalli.  They  appear  to  have  lived 
immediately  north  of  the  Hittites  of  Carchemish, 


106  THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

south  of  whom  were  the  Khattinai  with  chiefs 
named  Sapalulme,  Girparuda,  and  Lubarna  in 
the  ninth  century.  The  latter  name  seems  to 
have  been  dynastic,  and  occurs  also  in  1130  B.C. 

In  the  far  west  the  Aryans  date  back  to  Gyges 
in  Lydia  as  early  as  727  B.C.,  and  the  various 
tribes  of  this  region  in  1300  B.C.  are  represented 
with  light  hair  and  blue  eyes,  as  described  in 
connection  with  the  attacks  on  Egypt  by  the 
Aryan  allies.  The  names  of  Hittite  chiefs  are 
too  numerous  to  be  mentioned  here,  but  are 
often  clearly  Mongolic.  Those  of  the  Hyksos 
are  not  of  importance  to  the  present  question. 

The  inquiry  thus  made  into  the  relations  of 
Syrian  and  Armenian  tribes  shows  us  that  they 
were  Mongolian,  down  to  a  late  period,  in  just 
those  parts  of  the  region  where  the  "Hittite" 
sculptures  are  found.  In  the  farther  north, 
where  Aryan  tribes  were  early  found,  such  monu- 
ments are  absent.  In  the  west  the  Ionians  are 
noticed  by  Sargon  as  living  "  fronting  the  sea 
in  the  land  of  Ionia  spawning  like  fishes,"  and 
raiding  through  the  Guai  country  even  to  Tyre 
till  checked  by  his  army.  On  the  south  and 
south-west  the  people  of  Samalla,  the  Phoenicians, 
and  the  Amorites  were  Semitic,  the  latter  repre- 
sented as  a  dark  people  with  beards  and  eagle 
noses  of  very  Phoenician  type.  In  the  eighth 
century  the  kings  of  Hamath — Iniel  in    738   B.C. 


FORCED    MIGRATIONS.  107 

and  Yehubidi,  who  was,  however,  a  usurper,  and 
may  have  been  a  Hebrew,  in  720  B.C.,  are 
Semitic ;  but  the  name  of  Irkhulena  in  854  B.C. 
might  be  Mongolic.  The  Syrian  league  con- 
sisted, however,  mainly  of  Phoenicians,  Syrians, 
and  Arabs,  who  belonged  to  the  Semitic  race ; 
and  the  whole  of  Palestine  proper  was  Semitic 
as  early  as  the  sixteenth  century  B.C.,  while  from 
at  least  a  century  later  the  names  of  Philistine 
rulers  belong  also  to  Semitic  speech,  and  in 
Cyprus  we  find  only  Phoenicians  and  Greeks. 
The  population  of  Syria  was  much  affected  by 
the  Assyrian  policy  of  transplanting  whole  tribes 
from  one  end  of  their  dominions  to  the  other, 
which  broke  up  the  native  alliances  and  decreased 
the  power  of  the  Mongols  to  combine  against 
their  masters.  This  policy  is  traced  as  early  as 
the  twelfth  century  B.C.,  when  Tiglath  -  Pileser 
settled  Aramean  colonists  in  the  country  of  the 
Khattinai.  Sargon  sent  the  Hittites  to  the  east, 
and  brought  Hamathites  and  Arabs  to  Samaria, 
when  he  took  Israel  captive  to  the  "cities  of  the 
Medes  "  ;  and  Esarhaddon  also  records  in  Syria, 
"  I  settled  the  people  of  the  mountains,  and  of 
the  eastern  sea,  there ;  and  placed  my  officer  as 
a  resident  over  them."  By  these  means,  there- 
fore, the  Hittite  race  was  scattered  east  and 
south  by  about  715  B.C. 

The  names  of  tribes  of  the  Canaanites  noticed 


108  THE    RACES    OF   WESTERN    ASIA. 

in  the  Bible  are  chiefly  Semitic.  The  Philistines 
were  "emigrants"  from  Egypt  (Gen.  x.  14),  but 
may  have  belonged  to  the  old  half- Semitic,  half- 
Mongol  race  of  the  Hyksos  period.  The  names 
of  their  chiefs  (such  as  Abimelech)  are  usually 
Semitic,  and  this  also  applies  to  those  whose 
letters  in  the  Assyrian  or  Babylonian  language, 
from  Ascalon  and  Joppa,  Lachish  and  Gezer,  are 
preserved,  dating  from  the  fifteenth  century  B.C. 
But  there  was  an  older  population,  represented 
by  the  Anakim,  the  Zuzim,  or  Zamzummim,  and 
the  Emim,  to  whom  perhaps  the  Amalekites  may 
be  added,  which  appears  to  have  been  probably 
Mongol,  as  the  names  have  no  Semitic  interpre- 
tation. The  Anakim  were  called  Rephaim  or  "  tall 
men "  in  Hebrew,  and  the  word  anak  in  Mongol 
speech  would  mean  "  high."  Zuzim  may  only 
mean  "  tribes "  as  a  Mongol  word,  and  Emim 
also  signifies  "  families  "  or  "  tribes."  Amalek 
would  perhaps  mean  the  "  lowlanders,"  and  they 
dwelt  in  the  plateau  south  of  the  higher  Hebron 
hills.  The  term  Hittite  has  no  true  Semitic  sense, 
but  as  a  Mongol  word  would  mean  the  "  allies  " 
or  "  related  tribes."  Of  the  Hittites  noticed  in  the 
Old  Testament  some  bear  Mongol  names  such  as 
Beeri,  "soldier,"  and  perhaps  Uriah,  "the  strong" 
(Uri),  while  others,  like  Elon  and  Ephron,  have 
names  with  no  appropriate  Semitic  meaning.  But, 
as  already  said,  the  southern  Hittites  seem  to  have 


THE    KETEIOI.  109 

soon  been  merged  into  the  Semitic  population  which 
predominated  in  Palestine  proper.1 

The  result  of  this  inquiry  is  to  show  us  that 
the  Mongol  tribes  west  of  the  Euphrates  were  con- 
fined to  Syria  and  southern  Asia  Minor.  That 
their  greatest  extension  was  in  early  ages  before 
the  Semitic  race  had  gained  power.  That  they 
were  hemmed  in  by  Aryans  on  the  west  and  north, 
and  by  Semitic  races  on  the  south.  That  they 
were  gradually  displaced  by  their  rivals,  and  finally 
scattered  by  the  Assyrians.  Their  strongholds  in 
the  Taurus  were  invaded  by  the  Medes  and  the 
early  Phoenicians,  and  their  territory  finally  taken 
from  them  by  Medes  and  Syrians,  till  Carchemish 
alone  remained  to  the  Hittites,  who  once  had 
spread  over  Bashan.     The  reader  will  judge  from 


1  There  is  absolutely  no  reason  for  supposing  the  Keteioi  of  Homer 
(Od.  xi.  516-521)  to  have  had  anything  to  do  with  the  Hittites.  They 
were  led  by  a  chief  named  Eurypylos — a  clearly  Aryan  name,  not 
recalling  any  of  those  found  among  Hittites.  The  words  have  no 
philological  connection,  for  the  proper  Greek  equivalent  of  CJieth  is 
Chi,  not  Kappa  (Cap/i),  while  the  long  vowel  Eta  denotes  probably 
an  Aryan  tribe,  and  finds  no  counterpart  in  the  name  of  the  Khatti, 
Kheta,  or  Beni  Heth.  Homer  tells  us  practically  nothing  about 
language  in  Asia  Minor,  save  that  several  dialects  were  spoken.  He 
was  acquainted  with  the  Phoenicians  ;  but  the  earliest  date  possible 
for  his  writings  is  long  after  the  decay  of  Mongol  power,  and  after 
the  growth  of  younger  Aryan  and  Semitic  populations  in  Anatolia. 
There  is,  as  we  have  seen,  no  evidence  that  the  Hittites  made  con- 
quests in  Ionia  ;  and  even  the  Karabel  monument  is  far  distant  from 
Troy.  The  Hittites  are  mentioned  only  in  Syria,  and  Semitic  popu- 
lations separated  them  from  the  west. 


IIO  THE    RACES    OF    WESTERN    ASIA. 

the  evidence  whether  there  is  not  sufficient  reason 
to  suppose  that  texts  written  in  a  very  early  pic- 
torial script,  and  occurring  in  a  country  whose 
population  was  certainly  Mongol,  are  not  natur- 
ally to  be  regarded  as  written  in  a  Mongol  dialect, 
even  if  the  internal  evidence  of  the  texts  themselves 
were  not  available.  That  evidence  must  now  be 
explained;  but  a  short  consideration  of  the  Mongol 
beliefs,  which  find  expression  in  the  sculptures 
accompanying  the  "  Hittite  "  inscriptions,  must 
first  engage  our  attention  for  a  few  pages. 


II I 


CHAPTER    V. 

MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

The  inscribed  rocks,  slabs,  and  seals  which 
present  "  Hittite "  texts  also  often  represent 
deities,  sometimes  standing  erect  on  lions  and 
other  beasts,  sometimes  themselves  winged.  It 
has  often  been  remarked  that  the  symbolism  is 
the  same  which  we  find  on  Assyrian  bas-reliefs; 
but  the  character  of  the  art  is  more  archaic,  and 
resembles  rather  that  of  Chaldea  in  the  earliest 
age  than  that  of  Nineveh.  These  sculptures  will 
be  more  particularly  described  later,  but  the  re- 
ligious ideas  conveyed  are  important  to  our  main 
subject. 

It  may  appear  hopeless  to  convey  a  clear  idea 
of  the  confused  Pantheon  of  the  Mongol  tribes, 
with  innumerable  gods  and  many  local  names 
for  each  deity.  All  the  great  cities  had  their 
famous  Istars,  who  resembled  the  various  Ma- 
donnas of  Europe,  from  "  Notre  Dame  de  la 
misericorde "    to    "  Notre    Dame    de    la    haine." 


112  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

The  Hittites,  we  have  seen,  had  local  Sets  of 
various  towns ;  yet  Set  was  "  Lord  of  Heaven 
and  Earth,"  just  as  all  the  local  Madonnas  repre- 
sent but  one  person.  The  varying  names  were 
—  as  in  this  later  instance  given  in  illustration 
— only  honorary  titles  or  attributes  of  a  single 
deity.  The  ideas  that  underlay  this  nomencla- 
ture were  simple  and  primitive  ;  and  when  these 
are  grasped,  and  the  realities  which  gave  rise  to 
various  myths  are  held  in  remembrance,  it  is  not 
difficult,  by  aid  of  what  is  known  of  the  later 
ideas  of  Tartars  and  of  Mongol  superstitions,  to 
identify  the  great  gods  and  to  understand  the 
legends. 

The  adoration  of  life  and  the  fear  of  death  lay 
at  the  root  of  all  these  religious  systems.  The 
word  for  God — Dingir  (the  Turkish  Tengri) — sig- 
nified the  "  life  -  giver,"  and  the  appellations  of 
deities  meant  usually  "  the  immortals,"  "  the 
shining  ones,"  or  "  the  powers  "  ;  while  demons 
and  ghosts  were  called  "  the  feeble "  and  the 
"  evil "  beings,  whose  wrath  was  deprecated  or 
from  whom  safety  was  besought  of  the  gods. 
Religion  consisted  in  the  praise  and  supplication 
of  beings  able  and  willing  to  help  man,  and  in 
the  deprecation  of  the  wrath  of  angry  deities 
whose  will  was  neglected  through  sin.  Black 
magic  or  witchcraft  was  the  invocation  of  evil 
demons  and  malignant  gods,  with  the  intent  to 
injure    others.      It    has   been    regarded   with    fear 


ANIMISM.  113 

and  wrath  by  all  primitive  peoples.  The  wor- 
ship of  life  took  many  forms,  and  was  expressed 
often  by  very  rude  emblems.  The  abstract  idea 
of  force,  or  of  the  unity  of  natural  forces,  was  not 
conceived ;  and  creation  was  regarded  as  an  as- 
semblage of  living  beings  and  of  spirits,  sometimes 
invisible,  like  the  wind,  sometimes  embodied  in 
immortal  forms,  like  sun  or  moon.  The  fire  was 
a  creeping  snake,  as  was  the  pure  stream.  The 
earth  was  a  mighty  animal.  The  sun,  moon, 
and  stars  were  great  birds  soaring  in  heaven,  or 
beings  who  trod  the  crystal  floor  of  the  firma- 
ment, drove  their  chariots  along  appointed  roads, 
climbed  the  eastern  steps,  descended  to  rest  in 
the  ocean,  or  entered  the  flaming  portals  of  hell, 
when,  the  gates  being  opened,  the  glow  of  its 
furnaces  coloured  the  western  sky,  while  the  roses 
of  Paradise  lit  up  the  east  at  dawn. 

Every  river  and  spring,  every  mountain,  every 
forest,  each  great  tree  or  standing-stone,  was  the 
abode  of  a  spirit.  There  is  no  distinction  possible 
between  the  ideas  of  Sumerians,  Babylonians,  Egyp- 
tians, Assyrians,  Greeks,  Etruscans,  or  Latins.  The 
words  were  different,  but  the  ideas  were  the  same. 
They  still  can  be  studied  among  Hindus,  Tartars, 
and  Chinese,  and  even  among  the  peasantry  of 
Western  Asia  and  of  Europe  in  our  own  times. 
In  ruder  forms  they  are  found  among  savages ; 
and  even  Caffres  and  Hottentots  possess  the  same 
leading  beliefs.      Animism  is  the  true  explanation 

H 


UNIVERSITY 

°F  V' 

CALlFO«Ssi 


114  MONGOL   GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

of  all  ancient  superstition.  The  terror  of  death, 
the  fear  of  the  dead,  the  belief  that  ancestors 
watched  over  pious  descendants,  the  worship  of 
fire  and  water,  trees  and  stones,  sun,  moon,  and 
stars,  are  all  to  be  traced  to  the  universal  belief 
in  the  countless  "spirits"  with  which  man  sur- 
rounded himself. 

Over  all  these  genii,  according  to  the  Akkadians, 
ruled  the  primeval  pair — the  father  spirit  of  heaven, 
and  the  mother  spirit  of  earth — from  whom  they  all 
sprang.  The  two  great  gods  of  the  modern  Mon- 
gols and  of  the  Chinese  are  the  same ;  and  in 
Egypt  the  only  difference  was  that  the  mother 
was  heaven  and  the  father  earth.  These  two 
spirits  are  continually  invoked  in  Akkadian  lit- 
anies,1 of  which  the  following  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable : — 

The  man  who  dies  without  food,  the  man  who  dies 
without  drink,  the  man  whose  food  is  but  dust,  the  man 
who  dies  when  earth  is  destroyed  by  floods,  the  man  who 
dies  of  famine  in  the  desert,  the  man  burned  by  the  sun 
in  the  wilderness,  the  concubine  without  a  master,  the 
wife  without  a  husband,  the  man  despised,  the  man  for- 
gotten, the  man  without  food,  the  man  who  in  an  evil 
month  falls  sick.  Spirit  of  Heaven,  dost  not  thou  re- 
member !     Spirit  of  Earth,  dost  not  thou  remember ! 

The  seven  great  gods  in  other  enumerations  in- 
cluded children  of  this  ancient  pair  —  C  eel  us   and 

1  The  bilingual  religious  texts  are  given  in  the  cuneiform  characters 
by  F.  Lenormant  in  his  'Etudes  Accadiennes.'  The  following  trans- 
lations differ  only  in  minor  details  from  those  which  he  suggests. 


THE    GREAT    GODS.  115 

Terra  of  the  Latins.  They  were  the  spirits  of 
Heaven,  Ocean,  and  Hell ;  of  the  Sun  and  Moon, 
the  Wind,  and  the  Earth.  Their  messenger  was  the 
eighth,  and  these  great  figures  (Kabiri,  or  "great 
ones  ")  meet  us  in  every  ancient  system  with  but 
slight  differences.  Among  Aryans,  Semitic  races, 
Egyptians,  Persians,  and  Hindus,  the  divine  family 
is  ever  the  same.  Heaven  was  the  parent  of  all ; 
but  An,  the  sky  god  of  the  Sumerians,  "lord  of 
powers  of  heaven  and  earth,  lord  of  all  lands  " — 
"the  first  ancestor  of  the  gods,"  as  the  Assyrians 
called  him — dwelt  alone. 

The  great  judge  of  mankind  was  the  ocean  god 
Ea,  whose  name  may  only  be  the  Turkish  cc  for 
a  "  spirit."  Like  Osiris,  he  pronounced  the  doom 
of  each  ghost  brought  before  him,  sitting  on  his 
throne  beneath  the  deep.  The  third  brother  was 
the  terrible  god  of  Death  and  Hell,  who  had  many 
names,  and  was  represented  with  a  lion's  head. 
He  was  Nergal  (probably  "lord  of  fire");  Mul-lil, 
"the  ghost  king";  or  En-ge,  "the  prince  be- 
neath " ;  and  his  savage  consort  was  Nin-ki-gal, 
"lady  of  the  fiery  land." 

The  Earth  goddess  had  also  many  names.  She 
was  Ma,  "the  Earth";  Amma,  Nana,  or  Nina, 
"the  mother";  Dam-ki-na,  "lady  of  the  Earth" 
and,  like  Terra,  she  was  the  wife  both  of  Heaven 
in  one  aspect  and  of  Ocean  in  another,  for  by 
both  was  she  embraced.  Thus  the  Sun  was  born 
of   Heaven    and    Earth,    climbing    to    his   father's 


Il6  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

throne  above,  and  also  of  Sea  and  Earth,  "  the 
eldest-born  of  Ocean  " — according  as  he  rose  from 
the  mountain  or  from  the  sea.  He  was  Dum-zi, 
"the  child  spirit,"  seated  on  the  knees  of  Ma; 
but  he  was  also  Iv-galla,  "the  man  of  fire,"  who 
crossed  the  ocean,  and  passed  into  Hades  every 
night.  He  had  many  other  names,  but,  like 
Horus  in  Egypt,  he  was  ever  youthful.  His 
bride  was  Is-tar,  "the  enlightener,"  the  lamp  of 
mankind  at  night,  whose  names  and  attributes 
were  uncounted,  but  who  is  said  to  have  married 
Dum-zi  in  her  youth,  and  to  have  received  from 
him  her  shining  ornaments.  To  these  gods  was 
added  the  deity  of  storm  and  wind,  of  the  air  and 
of  the  sky,  who  (like  Shu  in  Egypt)  personified 
the  atmosphere,  and  was  called  Im  ("the  wind"), 
or  Mer  ("the  tempest")  —  a  Jupiter  Pluvius  and 
Tonans,  like  the  Assyrian  Rimmon  and  the  Syrian 
Hadad.  The  eighth  great  deity  was  the  messenger 
of  heaven — the  Greek  Hermes,  the  Egyptian  Anubis, 
called  by  the  Sumerians  Ak  ("the  wise"),  whom 
the  Semitic  peoples  called  Nebo  ("the  herald"), 
and  identified  with  the  planet  Mercury.  An  Ak- 
kadian hymn  in  his  honour  thus  describes  him  : — 

To  Ak  the  great  and  wise,  seeing  all  things  clearly,  the 
scribe  who  knows  all  that  is  mysterious,  holding  the  great 
sceptre,  ruling  the  earth,  who  completes  a  record  of  all  his 
judgments  on  earth,  showing  the  deeds  of  the  wicked. 

These  gods  ruled  over  the  good  genii,  and  fought 
with   demons,   who,   however,   were    also  at  times 


DEMONS.  117 

their  ministers  against  the  sinful.  The  terror  of 
demons  was  ever  present  in  the  minds  of  the  Ak- 
kadians, and  many  spells  were  made  to  defeat 
them.     In  one  tablet  they  are  thus  described : — 

They  go  from  land  to  land.  They  drive  the  slave-girl 
from  her  mother's  house.  They  drive  the  wife  from  her 
happy  home.  They  drive  the  son  from  his  father's  abode. 
They  drive  the  calf  from  its  stall ;  they  chase  the  bird 
from  its  young;  they  chase  the  swallow  from  her  nest. 
They  steal  the  cattle,  they  steal  the  sheep.  Every  day  the 
wicked  spirits  are  hunting.  .  .  .  They  go  from  house  to 
house,  the  door  stays  them  not,  the  bolt  turns  them  not 
back  at  the  gate.  They  creep  in  as  snakes,  they  blow 
through  the  roof  as  wind.  They  hinder  the  wife  from  her 
husband's  arms ;  they  steal  the  child  from  the  knees  of 
men.  They  drive  the  free  woman  from  her  happy  home. 
They  are  the  voice  of  a  curse  that  cleaves  to  man. 

Charms  and  amulets  protected  the  wearer  from 
these  fiends,  and  temples  and  houses  were  pro- 
tected by  images  of  the  gods,  and  especially  by 
the  terrible  form  of  the  lion-headed  Nergal,  who 
was  the  lord  of  ghosts  and  demons,  as  we  learn 
from  another  text : — 

The  image  of  Nergal  the  peerless  on  the  wall  of  the 
house — image  of  a  peerless  hero-god.  The  image  of  the 
Sun  king  (Nar-udi),  lord  of  all  gods,  beneath  the  couch, 
that  no  evil  may  arise ;  .  .  .  the  hero  fighting  demons 
within  the  door. 

This  inscription  explains  the  carving  of  gods 
and  demons  on  the  thrones  of  Assyrian  kings, 
the  bas-reliefs  of  Nergal  at  the  temple  doors  near 


Il8  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

Pteria,  and  the  various  images  buried  in  tombs 
or  beneath  the  floors  of  temples,  as  well  as  the 
designs  on  signet -rings  which  represent  Akkadian 
myths.  Evil  persons  alone  held  commune  with 
the  fiends,  and  are  conjured  in  another  litany: — 

The  man  who  makes  a  figure  in  order  to  hurt  a  man. 
The  evil  look,  the  evil  eye,  the  evil  word,  the  evil  lip,  the 
evil  poison.  Spirit  of  Heaven,  dost  not  thou  remember ! 
Spirit  of  Earth,  dost  not  thou  remember  ! 

The  early  Mongols  were  as  fond  of  mythical  or 
imaginative  stories  concerning  the  phenomena  of 
nature — the  daily  or  yearly  adventures  of  the  gods 
— as  were  the  early  Aryans ;  and  the  legends  of 
Turkestan  in  our  own  times  often  recall  those  of 
the  Akkadians — especially  the  strange  figure  of 
the  friendly  Minotaur  who  aided  the  Chaldean 
Hercules,  and  went  down  with  him  to  the  under- 
world, which  is  to  be  found  in  one  of  the  folk- 
tales of  the  Kirghiz  Tartars.1  As  yet  only  a  legend 
of  creation  has  been  found  in  the  Akkadian  lan- 
guage, but  it  is  believed  that  many  others  known 
in  Assyrian  were  of  Akkadian  origin.  Their  an- 
tiquity is  witnessed — as  well  as  their  wide  diffusion 
— by  the  occurrence  of  two  such  tales  in  Baby- 
lonian language,  which  for  some  unknown  reason 
were  preserved  with  the  political  correspondence 
at  Tell  Amarna  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.C.  One 
of  them  relates  to  the  terror  felt  when   the   Sun 

1  See  A.  de  Gubernatis,  Zoological  Mythology,  vol.  i.  p.  129. 


LEGENDS.  119 

(Adapa,  "the  soarer ")  did  not  appear  for  several 
days,  and  was  thought  to  have  been  poisoned  in 
Hades.  The  message  of  Heaven,  and  the  rebuke 
he  received,  are  related.  In  the  other  we  hear 
that  Iris-ki-gal  ("  the  bride  of  Hell  ")  was  a  sister 
of  the  gods  whom  Nergal  forbade  to  return  on 
high,  until  he  was  besieged  by  all  the  hosts  of 
heaven,  when  he  made  up  the  quarrel  and  gave 
her  all  she  wished.  The  story  of  Istar  visiting 
Hades  is  but  a  variant  of  this  legend,  and  clearly 
indicates  that  she  was  the  Moon  goddess.  She 
was  gradually  deprived,  as  she  entered  seven  suc- 
cessive gates,  of  her  glory  and  ornaments,  and  kept 
a  prisoner  by  the  terrible  goddess  of  Hell,  until 
at  the  command  of  Heaven  she  was  released, 
washed  with  the  water  of  life,  and  her  ornaments 
restored  during  seven  successive  exits.  The  lunar 
month  with  its  twenty-eight  days  is  clearly  in  the 
myth-maker's  mind. 

Two  other  curious  emblems  may  be  noticed — 
namely,  the  "World  Mountain"  and  the  "Tree 
of  Life,"  which  were  of  Akkadian  origin.  The 
Babylonians,  knowing  of  seas  to  the  east,  west, 
north,  and  south,  and  living  in  a  great  river-valley 
surrounded  by  mountains,  with  the  sea  beyond, 
conceived  the  world  to  consist  of  a  plain  with  a 
surrounding  chain,  floating  on  ocean  and  domed 
over  by  a  firmament.  They  describe  the  Im  Khar- 
sak,  or  "  sky  mountain-top,"  as  having  glistening 
horns  and  slippery  sides ;  and  refer  probably  to  the 


120  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

mountains  of  their  original  home,  the  chain  of 
Elburz  and  the  snowy  heights  of  Ararat  or  Cau- 
casus. This  idea  of  the  World  Mountain  survives 
in  Persian  sacred  books,  and  in  the  Kdf  or  bound- 
ary mountain  of  Arabs. 

The  jewelled  Tree  of  Life  is  also  found  among 
the  Chinese,  the  Hindus,  and  many  others.  The 
Chaldean  Hercules,  who,  like  the  Greek  hero, 
crossed  the  ocean  to  a  garden  of  the  Hesperides, 
failed  to  gather  the  fruit  of  this  tree,  which  was 
guarded  by  a  snake.  In  Egypt  the  Tree  of  Life 
stood  in  Hades.  Among  modern  Moslems  it  is 
only  the  "bitter  tree"  that  is  found  in  hell, 
while  the  "  Tree  of  the  Limit,"  on  whose  leaves 
(shaken  yearly  in  the  "night  of  power")  are 
written  the  names  of  those  about  to  die,  is  found 
in  heaven.  The  Tree  of  Life  was  called  Tin-Tir 
("life-tree")  by  the  Akkadians,  and  Babylon  was 
named  by  them  Tin  -  Tir  -  Ki  ("  life  -  tree  -  place  "). 
The  figure  of  this  artificial  tree,  common  on  seals 
and  bas-reliefs,  is  well  known.  It  was  guarded 
by  griffons,  by  cherubs,  or  by  the  eagle-headed 
gods.  This  tree  was  also  apparently  called  Sakh 
or  "holy,"  and  this  is  translated  Asher,  "holy" 
in  Assyrian.  It  became  the  Asherah  of  the 
Amorites  and  of  idolatrous  Hebrews,  rendered 
"the  grove"  in  our  version.  In  later  times  it 
is  represented  in  the  south  as  a  palm ;  but  the 
old   Akkadian    name    of    the   vine   was    Iz-tin    or 


THE    TREE    OF    LIFE.  121 

"wood  of  life,"  and  the  conventional  form,  with 
its  projecting  leaves,  seems  to  represent  a  vine 
growing  on  a  trellis.  The  vine  did  not  flourish 
at  Babylon,  and  Herodotus  (i.  194)  says  that  wine 
was  brought  down  the  river  from  the  north ;  but 
the  home  of  the  vine  is  on  the  foothills  of  the 
Taurus  and  in  Armenia,  and  it  was  here  probably 
that  the  Kassites  and  Akkadians  first  discovered 
wine,  and  named  the  vine  the  "  Tree  of  Life." 

How  widely  spread  this  ancient  system  of 
religion  must  have  been  we  gather  by  comparison 
with  certain  features  of  Greek  mythology.  The 
Greeks  borrowed  many  figures  and  names  from 
Phoenicia,  but  they  seem  also  to  have  been  in 
contact  with  the  earlier  Mongols  of  Asia  Minor. 
The  name  of  Hercules  has  no  satisfactory  Aryan 
derivation,  but  his  legend  presents  many  points  of 
contact  with  that  of  the  Chaldean  hero  called 
Izdubar,  or  Gilgamas — or  perhaps  Uddu-mas,  "the 
spirit  of  the  rising  sun."  Hercules  may  be  the 
Akkadian  Irgalla,  another  name  for  the  sun  ;  and 
in  like  manner  the  name  Kentaur,  or  "man-beast," 
is  Mongol  rather  than  Aryan,  and  refers  to  the 
man  -  beasts  of  Akkadian  imagery,  while  the 
Amazons  may  have  been  Ama-zun,  or  "women- 
warriors,"  of  Asia  Minor.  The  figure  of  Pegasus, 
the  winged  horse  of  the  Sun,  occurs  on  a  "Hittite" 
seal,  as  well  as  at  Carthage ;  and  many  Greek 
myths,    such    as    those    of    Perseus   (Sargina),   of 


122  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

Ganymede  (the  Babylonian  Etana  carried  by  an 
eagle  to  heaven),  of  Actseon,  and  of  Prometheus 
(the  Babylonian  hero  Zu,  "the  wise,"  who  stole 
the  secrets  of  heaven),  may  have  been  of  Mongol 
origin,  learned  from  the  border  tribes  of  Cappadocia. 
Vows  and  the  curses  of  the  wronged  were  re- 
corded in  heaven,  and  are  noticed  in  inscriptions 
on  statues  both  Akkadian  and  Assyrian.  Temples 
were  built  in  fulfilment  of  a  sagba  or  vow :  curses 
were  inscribed  against  those  who  should  injure 
boundary-stones  or  historic  records.  One  curious 
text  refers  to  the  effects  of  a  curse  by  some  un- 
known person  unintentionally  wronged  : — 

The  curse  descends  on  a  man  like  a  whirlwind.  A 
voice  is  ever  crying  against  him.  An  evil  voice  is  against 
him  still.  Istar  afflicts  him  because  of  another's  grief. 
The  voice  that  cries  cloaks  him  as  a  garment.  Bowed 
down  he  bends.  Marduk  pities  him,  goes  to  his  father 
Ea  and  says,  "  My  father,  a  curse  has  come  on  a  man 
like  a  whirlwind,"  and  he  answers  again,  "Who  did  it?" 
He  replies,  "The  man  knows  not  who  did  it."  Ea  an- 
swered his  son  Marduk,  "  My  son,  you  know  not  whom. 
How  can  I  answer  you  ?  Marduk,  you  know  not  who 
it  is.  How  can  I  answer  you  ?  Come  now,  my  son, 
Marduk  may  lead  him  to  the  dwelling  of  my  power,  and 
may  explain  his  curse  and  show  his  curse  :  the  evil  that 
troubles  his  heart,  be  it  his  father's  curse,  or  his  mother's 
curse,  or  his  elder  brother's  curse,  or  the  curse  of  some 
head  of  a  house  that  the  man  knows  not.  By  prayer  to 
Ea  as  to  the  curse,  let  him  ask  favour  as  of  one  who  will 
hear.  It  may  be  shown  to  be  an  accident — it  may  be 
shown  to  be  an  error.  The  curse  !  O  Spirit  of  Heaven, 
dost  not  thou  remember !  O  Spirit  of  Earth,  dost  not 
thou  remember  ! " 


HUMAN    SACRIFICE.  123 

Of  vows  we  read  also  : — 

The  vow,  the  vow.  The  aid  of  the  gods  is  an  ever- 
lasting help  ;  the  aid  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  which  never 
fails.  God  only  is  unchanging.  God  is  not  understood 
by  men.  The  snare  for  the  wicked  is  not  removed.  An 
impassable  decree  is  set  against  the  sinner. 

Another  darker  feature  of  the  Akkadian  super- 
stition was  human  sacrifice  in  time  of  trouble. 
Of  this  we  hear  indeed  only  from  a  Semitic  text, 
which  says,  "  He  cried  to  the  Lord  of  all,  and 
gave  the  offspring  first  born  among  men  for  him- 
self." But  this  terrible  custom  was  not  confined 
to  Phoenicians  or  Assyrians.  It  is  found  among 
Mongols,  as  also  among  Greeks  and  other  Aryans. 
A  seal  with  "  Hittite  "  characters  shows  a  human 
sacrifice,  and  the  two  emblems  may  be  read,  Tur- 
Sak,  "the  first-born."  Among  Arabs  and  in 
Phoenicia  the  rite  was  still  in  use  as  late  as  the 
fifth  century  after  Christ. 

The  main  features  of  Akkadian  religion  have 
thus  been  sketched  in  order  to  illustrate  the 
sculptures  about  to  be  described.  In  great 
measure  they  were  common  also  to  the  Semitic 
population  of  Babylonia ;  but  the  regular  pan- 
theon of  twelve  gods  connected  with  the  year, 
and  identified  with  the  planets,  is  Assyrian  and 
not  Sumerian.  The  old  names,  such  as  Nergal, 
were  often  adopted  in  modified  forms,  Nirgallu 
in  Assyrian  being  the  same,  while  Istar  became 
Istaratu  with  a  feminine  termination — the  Canaan- 


124  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

ite  Ashtoreth,  who,  however,  appears  as  A  star 
on  the  Moabite  Stone,  and  as  At-thar  in  Arabia. 
The  name  of  Ea  was  also  unchanged ;  but  An 
the  Heaven  god  became  Ilu  as  well  as  Ann,  and 
Ninib  ("the  chief")  became  Adaru  ("the  glori- 
ous "),  while  Bel  was  the  common  Semitic  term 
for  the  infernal  deity,  Shamash  for  the  Sun,  and 
Rimmon  for  the  Air  god.  A  male  deity  of  the 
Moon,  Sinu,  represents  the  Akkadian  Aku,  whose 
name  is  still  found  in  one  of  the  Turkish  names 
for  the  moon,  another  (At)  being  the  same  as 
the  Akkadian  A  a  for  the  Moon  goddess,  wife  of 
the  Sun — a  title  of  Istar.  Several  names  which 
in  Akkadian  appear  to  have  belonged  to  the  Sun- 
hero  were  by  the  Assyrians  assigned  to  the  vari- 
ous planets. 

The  names  of  Kassite  gods  are  peculiar,  but 
are  explained  in  Assyrian.  Sikhu,  or  "the  good," 
was  a  name  for  Marduk  the  Sun  warrior,  who 
conquered  the  dragon  of  chaos  and  storm.  Urus, 
"the  lion,"  was  a  term  for  the  lion-headed  Nergal 
or  Bel.  Sam  was  a  name  of  the  Sun,  Sumu  of 
Rimmon;  and  Bel  was  called  Lav  or  "chief,"  a 
word  also  found  in  Etruscan.  Each  tribe  appears 
to  have  used  its  own  terms,  but  the  deities  so 
named  were  common  to  all. 

A  curious  bronze  tablet  found  near  Palmyra, 
and  which  has  often  been  described,  may  belong 
to  the  "Hittite"  art,  though  in  absence  of  any 
text  it  might  also  be  supposed  to  be  of  Amorite 


THE    FATE    OF    THE    SOUL.  125 

or  Phoenician  origin.  The  seven  great  gods  are 
represented  with  animal  heads,  many  of  which 
are  indistinctly  characterised,  and  with  their  em- 
blems above  them.  Beneath  these  a  corpse  lies 
on  its  bier  guarded  by  fish-headed  men,  repre- 
senting probably  Da-kan  ("  the  man-fish  "),  who 
was  a  form  of  Ea,  and  became  the  Phoenician  and 
Philistine  Dagon.  The  soul  or  shade  walks 
safely  away  from  two  demons  who  are  fighting 
each  other,  and  at  the  bottom  we  see  Nergal 
beside  the  infernal  river,  with  a  lion  head,  while 
Nin-ki-gal,  his  wife,  comes  in  her  boat,  kneeling 
on  the  "  death  horse,"  and  suckling  two  lion  cubs. 
She  also  is  lion  -  headed,  and  with  open  mouth 
approaches  the  offerings  laid  on  the  banks,  among 
the  reeds  (or  asphodel  plants)  of  the  infernal 
river. 

This  tablet  gives  us  a  clear  conception  of  the 
ideas  as  to  death  which  were  common  to  many 
early  peoples.  On  the  Akkadian  signets  the 
ghost  is  represented  with  feathers,  and  birds 
with  human  heads  also  represent  the  soul — as  in 
Egypt,  in  Lycia,  in  Phoenicia,  and  elsewhere. 
In  the  legend  of  Istar  the  feathered  garments  of 
ghosts  are  described,  and  the  cuneiform  emblem 
for  a  ghost  represents  a  feathered  man.  Other 
emblems  which  are  common  to  the  Akkadians 
and  the  Hittites  include  the  sphynx,  the  two- 
headed  eagle,  the  stag,  which  was  sacred  to  Ea  as 
was  also  the  bull,   and  the  winged  figure  of  the 


126  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

Sun,  which  is  found  at  Birejik,  on  the  Euphrates, 
above  a  pigtailed  figure  in  the  dress  commonly 
represented  as  that  of  the  Hittites.  There  is 
practically  no  distinction  between  the  religious 
emblems  of  the  Sumerians  and  Assyrians,  and 
those  in  use  on  supposed  Hittite  sculptures.  The 
gods  are  shown  at  Carchemish,  and  near  Pteria, 
standing  erect  on  lions,  just  as  on  the  great 
Assyrian  bas-relief  of  Bavian,  or  the  monolith  of 
Esarhaddon  at  Samalla.  At  this  latter  site  there 
are  bas-reliefs,  one  of  which  represents  the  lion- 
headed  Nergal,  and  all  of  which  so  greatly  re- 
semble Hittite  art  that  they  were  classed  as 
Hittite,  until  found  to  accompany  Phoenician 
inscriptions.1  It  is  only  by  aid  of  such  inscrip- 
tions that  the  origin  of  sculptures  can  be  safely 
distinguished ;  and  in  Cyprus  many  statues  sup- 
posed to  be  Phoenician  bear  Greek  texts.  Em- 
blems like  the  winged  sun,  wherever  they 
originated,  are  common  to  Egypt  and  Phoenicia, 
to  Assyria,  and  to  the  earlier  Mongols  of  Baby- 
lonia and  Syria. 

The  Hittite  deities  have  already  been  noticed  in 
the  famous  treaty  text.  Chief  among  them  were 
Set  and  Istar ;  but  there  were  a  thousand  gods  and 
a  thousand  goddesses,  including  those  of  "  rivers, 


1  One  design  seems  to  show  a  Hittite  prisoner  held  by  the  pigtail  ; 
on  another  a  bearded  chief  sits  by  an  altar,  facing  a  pigtailed,  beard- 
less prince,  with  a  mace  sceptre,  who  may  be  a  Hittite.  Humann 
and  Puchstein's  'Reisen,'  Tafeln  xliv.  2,  xlv.  I. 


SET.  127 

hills,  the  great  sea,  the  winds,  and  the  clouds." 
The  name  of  Set  may  perhaps  mean  "  fire,"  and 
we  are  told  by  Plutarch  1  that  he  was  represented 
with  the  head  of  an  ass.  In  Egyptian  the  ass  head 
stands  for  "light,"  and  in  Hittite  texts  the  symbol 
is  also  found,  probably  with  the  sound  Is,  signifying 
both  "ass"  and  also  (as  in  Akkadian)  "light." 
The  common  emblem  of  Set  in  Egypt  was  a  sort 
of  monster  with  a  long-eared  head,  which  may 
represent  that  of  an  ass ;  and  the  same  emblem 
exactly  is  once  found  on  a  text  from  Mer'ash,  and 
probably  denotes  the  Hittite  god.  At  Carchemish 
Istar  is  represented  naked  and  winged,  holding  her 
hands  to  her  breasts — a  figure  also  found  (without 
wings)  in  Babylonia  and  Phoenicia.  The  great 
examples  of  so  -  called  "  Hittite  "  religious  sym- 
bolism occur,  however,  near  Pteria  in  Armenia, 
at  Ibreez  in  Cilicia,  at  Mount  Sipylos  near  Smyrna, 
and  on  certain  seals  chiefly  from  Asia  Minor. 

Boghaz-Keui,  near  one  of  the  lower  affluents 
of  the  Halys  in  Armenia,  is  believed  (though  this 
has  been  disputed)  to  be  the  ancient  Pteria.  The 
ruins  include  a  throne  with  lions ;  and  a  defaced 
Hittite  inscription  of  eleven  lines  has  been  said  to 
occur  at  the  site.  Two  miles  to  the  east  is  the 
curious  rock-temple  known  as  Iasili-Kaia  ("  written 
stone  ") ;  but  only  eight  symbols  are  found  accom- 
panying the  figures,  of  which  there  are  no  less  than 
ninety   in    all.     Of    these    forty-one   form    a   long 

1  Isis  and  Osiris,  §§  22-33. 


128  MONGOL   GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

procession  on  the  north  wall  of  a  rock-chamber, 
stretching  east  about  thirty  yards,  the  figures  being 
all  male  and  wearing  the  high-pointed  cap  as  a 
rule ;  while  on  the  south  wall  a  similar  female 
procession  also  passes  east  to  meet  the  former, 
and  includes  twenty  females  and  one  male  figure. 
The  central  design  is  at  the  east  or  inner  end  of 
the  temple ;  and  in  each  procession  deities  are 
followed  by  genii,  these  by  kings  and  queens,  and 
these  again  by  their  subjects.  On  the  western 
rocks  is  another  design,  and  the  entrance  on  the 
south  is  guarded  by  two  lion-headed  genii.  An 
outer  chapel  has  on  its  north  wall  a  procession 
of  eleven  warriors,  and  eleven  unarmed  men,  and 
on  the  south  are  two  designs  in  separate  bas-reliefs. 
The  gods  are  six  feet  high,  and  the  human  figures 
about  three  feet.  The  whole  represents  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  and  probably  one  of  the  oldest 
carvings  of  Asia.1 

The  two  central  figures  on  the  east — facing  each 
other — are  a  god  supported  by  two  human  figures 
on  whose  necks  he  treads,  and  a  goddess  standing 
on  a  lion.  These  probably  are  the  "  Spirit  of 
Heaven  "  and  the  "  Spirit  of  Earth  "  ;  for  the  latter 
is  evidently  Ma,  a  goddess  who  is  known  to  have 
been  represented  as  borne  by  a  lion.2     The  younger 

1  See  the  plates  in  'History  of  Art  in  Asia  Minor,'  vol.  ii. ,  Perrot 
and  Chipiez ;  and  the  photographs  in  Humann  and  Puchstein's 
'  Reisen,'  Tafeln  vii.-x. 

2  Macrobius,  Saturnal.,  i.  26.  See  Rawlinson's  Herodotus,  vol.  ii. 
p.  538. 


THE    TWO-HEADED    EAGLE.  129 

god,  also  on  a  lion,  who  stands  behind  the  goddess, 
is  probably  the  Sun ;  and  behind  him  the  two- 
headed  eagle  supports  two  goddesses,  while  two 
male  gods  follow  the  "  Spirit  of  Heaven."  Several 
of  the  smaller  figures  are  winged,  or  otherwise  in- 
dicated as  deities  or  priests,  and  human  worship- 
pers follow  in  their  train. 

The  two-headed  eagle  here  shown  is  a  distinctive 
Mongol  emblem.  It  is  as  old  as  2800  B.C.  among 
the  Sumerians  of  Zirgul,  and  it  is  found  at  Eyuk, 
north  of  Pteria,  where  each  talon  grasps  a  hare. 
It  was  used  by  the  Turks  on  coins  and  standards 
in  1217  a.d.,  and  carved  on  the  walls  of  Diarbekr. 
It  is  found  at  Devrik,1  and  on  medals  of  the  Arsa- 
cidae  in  Persia.  It  only  reached  Flanders  after  the 
Crusades  in  the  thirteenth  century  a.d.,  and  Russia 
in  1472,  and  may  have  been  taken  from  the  Turks 
by  the  Franks.  In  India  it  represents  the  Garuda 
bird  of  the  gods,  but  its  origin  was  clearly  Mongol. 

The  western  bas-relief  at  Iasili-Kaia  represents  a 
priest  or  prince,  over  whose  extended  hand  is  a 
shrine  or  temple,  in  which  a  deity,  girt  with  flames, 
stands  between  two  objects  which  resemble  the 
great  cone  or  cylinder  which,  on  Akkadian  gems, 
other  deities  appear  to  be  turning,  as  also  does  a 
figure  found  at  Zirgul.  The  meaning  is  obscure, 
but  we  are  reminded  of  the  mandara  of  India,  with 
which  the  world  was  made  from  the  sea  of  milk, 
gods   and   genii    churning  with    this  great  churn, 

1  Wandering  Scholar  in  the  Levant,  D.  G.  Hogarth,  p.  142. 
I 


130  MONGOL   GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

round  which  a  serpent  was  twisted.  In  the  outer 
chapel,  on  the  south  wall,  a  deity  in  a  pointed  cap 
leads  another  long-robed  priest  or  prince,  who,  like 
the  former,  has  on  his  head  a  skull-cap,  and  in  his 
hand  a  lituus  or  whip.  Above  them  is  a  shrine  like 
the  former  one,  but  with  an  emblem  within,  pro- 
bably phallic.  Close  to  this  is  an  extraordinary 
composite  figure,  beardless  and  wearing  ear-rings, 
with  a  pointed  head-dress.  This  figure  terminates 
in  a  stump,  and  the  body  is  formed  by  two  inverted 
lions,  reminding  us  of  those  which  spring  from  the 
body  of  the  Anatolian  Cybele  or  Ma,  and  of  the 
lions  suckled  by  the  infernal  goddess,  as  above 
mentioned.  The  female  figures  in  the  processions 
wear  long  pleated  dresses,  and  cylindrical  bonnets. 
The  males  have  in  some  cases  long  robes,  but  the 
chief  male  deity,  and  most  of  the  men,  wear  short 
jerkins,  and  are  bare-legged.  This  short  dress  is 
usually  distinctive  of  Hittite  sculptures.  The  chief 
male  procession  is  broken  by  a  design  of  two  genii 
supporting  a  crescent.  The  warriors  in  the  outer 
chapel  have  heavy  swords  held  erect,  and  all  wear 
the  shoe  with  a  curled-up  toe,  commonly  found  in 
this  class  of  sculpture,  and  worn  by  the  Hittites. 
It  is  the  calceus  repandus  of  the  Etruscans,  but 
not  peculiar  to  any  race,  being  found  also  among 
Phoenicians,  and  even  worn  by  the  Jewish  tribute- 
bearers,  who  bring  the  tribute  of  Jehu  to  Shal- 
maneser  II.  on  the  "  Black  Obelisk."  The 
Turkish   slipper   of  our   own   times   is   the   same, 


HITTITE    SCULPTURES.  131 

and  is  worn  not  only  by  Turks  but  by  Arabs 
as  well. 

At  Eyuk,  north  of  Pteria,  similar  carvings  were 
found  by  Hamilton,  including  the  two  -  headed 
eagle,  and  two  sphynxes  in  bas-relief,  with  figures 
of  worshippers,  short  -  robed  and  pigtailed,  —  one 
raising  the  hands  in  supplication,  two  others 
ascending  steps,  and  another  bringing  three  rams 
and  a  goat.  These  wear  the  skull  -  cap,  which 
may  have  been  a  priestly  head-dress.  An  altar, 
a  sacred  bull,  and  a  goddess  seated  on  a  throne, 
are  also  represented,  with  harpers ;  and  on  other 
blocks  a  butting  bull,  and  a  lion  devouring  a  ram. 
No  inscriptions  accompany  these  figures,  as  far 
as  is  at  present  known. 

At  Mer'ash  there  is  a  very  archaic  relief,  showing 
the  goddess  Ma  with  the  infant  Sun-god  on  her 
knees.  She  sits  on  a  throne,  and  holds  a  mace 
sceptre.  On  the  altar  before  her  is  a  harp,  on 
which  a  very  rudely  carved  eagle  is  perched. 
Other  designs  here  show  a  short  -  coated  wor- 
shipper presenting  offerings  to  a  long-robed  giant 
deity,  while  his  horse  is  held  by  a  groom  beneath. 
In  general  character  these  carvings  are  clearly 
"  Hittite,"  though  not  inscribed.  In  their  ar- 
rangement and  execution  they  also  resemble  the 
Sumerian  bas-reliefs  of  Zirgul. 

At  Eflatun  Bunar  (Plato's  Springs),  in  Galatia, 
a  remarkable  monument  of  the  same  class  repre- 
sents a  number  of  rude  caryatide  figures,  like  one 


132  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

found  at  Zirgul ;  and  the  whole  is  surmounted  by 
the  winged  Sun,  already  mentioned  at  Birejik. 
The  great  rock  carving  at  Ibreez,  which  bears 
"  Hittite"  texts,  is  cut  beside  a  stream  on  a  cliff, 
and  shows  us  a  gigantic  short-robed  deity,  holding 
corn  and  grapes,  and  approached  by  the  smaller 
figure  of  a  long-robed  worshipper.  In  this  case 
both  deity  and  worshipper  have  curled  beards, 
without  moustache — a  fashion  among  both  Phoeni- 
cians and  early  Greeks  —  whereas  nearly  all  the 
figures  previously  described  have  hairless  faces. 
As  already  noticed,  however,  the  Sumerian  bas- 
reliefs  occasionally  present  bearded  kings,  though 
as  a  rule  the  male  figures  have  smooth  chins.  The 
only  other  clearly  religious  design  is  that  of  the 
figure  on  Mount  Sipylos,  which  is  nearly  20  feet 
high.  It  is  described  by  Pausanias  (iii.  22)  as  a 
Niobe,  but  the  "Hittite"  emblems,  discovered  on 
this  bas-relief  by  Consul  G.  Dennis  in  1881,  prob- 
ably preserve  the  name  of  Ma,  the  "  Spirit  of  the 
Earth."  The  cartouche  of  Rameses  II.  is  asserted 
to  be  also  cut,  as  a  later  addition,  on  the  field  of 
the  design,  but  its  existence  is  disputed. 

Some  of  the  medals  and  seals  on  which  the  same 
"  Hittite"  emblems  are  found  also  present  us  with 
divine  figures.  Such  small  objects  being  easily 
transported,  it  is  difficult  to  know  where  they  were 
originally  cut.  Two  of  them  come  from  Aidin  in 
Lydia  :  the  first  represents  three  gods,  one  of  whom 
presents  a  cross  to  three  worshippers,  and   a  flail 


LYDIAN    SEALS.  1 33 

to  two  demons  of  lion  form  who  are  fighting  each 
other :  above  them  is  the  word  Ne-gug  (contest) : 
the  god  himself,  in  his  double  character,  as  favour- 
ing the  pious  and  judging  the  wicked,  is  two-headed 
like  the  Etruscan  Janus :  to  his  left  is  a  figure 
apparently  in  a  pit  of  flame :  to  his  right  is  the 
heaven  god  on  his  throne  marked  with  a  star ; 
and  beyond  him  another,  bearing  the  stag  of  Ea, 
and  a  sacred  mound  (perhaps  the  "World  Moun- 
tain "  already  described),  guarded  by  winged  genii 
eagle-headed.  The  second  Aidin  seal  gives  five 
deities,  three  male  and  two  female :  the  god  on 
the  left  is  winged,  short-robed,  and  bull-headed, 
with  an  eagle  at  his  feet,  and  the  word  Adda 
(father)  beside  him.  He  probably  represents  the 
"Spirit  of  Heaven."  The  second  to  the  right  is 
two-headed,  short-robed,  and  carries  a  palm.  He 
has  beside  him  the  sign  Ye,  and  may  here  represent 
Ea,  the  judge  of  good  and  wicked.  The  third  is 
winged,  and  bears  an  axe  and  a  cross,  with  an  altar 
before  him.  The  goddesses  face  away  from  these 
two  gods,  the  first  to  the  left  having  the  emblem 
Mu  (for  "  mother  "),  and  the  second — the  last  figure 
to  the  right  —  has  the  sign  Sc  (the  favourable  or 
good).  Beneath  these  five  figures  are  their  dis- 
tinctive animals, — the  eagle  for  the  first,  the  stag 
of  Ea  for  the  second,  the  ass-headed  monster  (Set) 
for  the  third,  the  lion — as  in  previous  cases — for 
Ma,  the  "Spirit  of  the  Earth,"  and  the  dove  for 
the  last,  who  is  clearly  Istar.     This  design  presents 


134  MONGOL    GODS    AND    BELIEFS. 

us,  therefore,  with  the  same  deities  already  distin- 
guished, omitting  the  infernal  god  Nergal,  and  the 
air-god  Im ;  and  Set  here  seems  to  stand  for  the 
god  of  the  Sun  and  of  the  altar-fire. 

Two  seals,  one  of  them  from  Nineveh,  conclude 
our  enumeration  of  religious  designs.  The  first, 
which  may  bear  the  name  of  the  Kassite  king 
Ammi-Zaduga,  has  on  one  side  the  winged  sun, 
and  on  the  other  the  winged  horse,  both  rudely 
carved.  The  second,  which  seems  to  have  the 
name  Meli  -  siunu  ("man  of  the  air -god"),  also 
known  as  a  Kassite  name,  represents  a  short- 
coated  male  deity  standing  on  a  lion  (as  does 
the  younger  male  god  of  Iasili-Kaia),  representing 
Suinu  or  "the  sky."  A  seal  now  in  the  Ashmolean 
Museum  belongs  to  this  class,  and  is  of  peculiar 
value  since  it  presents  a  short  bilingual.  The 
cuneiform  legend,  which  is  in  characters  at  least 
as  old  as  1500  B.C.,  is  easily  read — "  Indilimma  ben 
Sirdamu,  servant  of  the  goddess  Iskhara,"  while 
the  Hittite  presents  only  four  emblems,  which 
may  be  interpreted  Isgar  Raba,  "  the  slave  of 
Isgar."  The  name  of  this  goddess,  "  the  light- 
maker,"  is  probably  synonymous  with  that  of  Istar, 
"  the  light-maker  "  or  "  enlightener." 

The  study  of  these  religious  designs  thus  serves 
to  show  that  the  religion  of  the  Mongol  race  of 
Syria  and  Armenia,  and  even  of  Western  Anatolia, 
was  portrayed  by  symbolism  identical  with  that  of 
the  Sumerians  and  Akkadians.     The  beardless  pig- 


MONGOL    EMBLEMS.  1.35 

tailed  figures  serve  to  class  these  rude  and  early 
sculptures,  even  when  inscriptions  are  absent. 
The  Set -monster  is  found  even  as  far  west  as 
Lydia,  and  his  name  has  perhaps  also  been  found 
in  Akkadian.  The  Sumerian  and  Akkadian  hymns 
furnish  us  with  suitable  explanation  of  the  lion- 
headed  figures  which  guard  the  temple  near  Pteria  ; 
and  the  eagle-headed  genii  are  known  in  Assyria 
as  well  as  on  the  Lydian  seal.  The  sphynx,  and 
the  winged  sun,  the  two-headed  eagle,  and  other 
emblems,  are  common  to  the  Akkadians  and  the 
Hittites,  as  are  the  naked  Istar  and  the  conven- 
tional tree  of  life,  the  mother  goddess  nursing  her 
babe,  and  the  lion-headed  god  of  Hell.  Religious 
symbolism,  therefore,  like  racial  type  and  language, 
supports  the  contention  that  the  script  about  to 
be  specially  considered  was  that  of  the  northern 
Mongols  of  the  earliest  age,  who  were  akin  to 
the  Kassite  kings  ruling  in  Babylon  from  about 
2250   B.C. 


136 


CHAPTER    VI. 


MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 


The  four  great  hieroglyphic  systems — Egyptian, 
Cuneiform,  Hittite,  and  Chinese — sprang  undoubt- 
edly from  rude  picture  -  writings,  probably  first 
known  in  Asia,  and  which  may  have  been  the 
one  common  original  of  them  all.  With  the 
hieroglyphics  of  Mexico  and  Peru  we  are  not  con- 
cerned. As  yet  they  are  unread ;  but  there  is 
evidence  which  points  to  their  having  been  derived 
from  China,  at  the  time  when  (about  the  sixth 
century  a.d.)  the  west  shores  of  America  were  first 
visited  by  Buddhists.  The  Red  Indian  picture- 
writing  may  represent  the  survival  of  early  attempts 
at  record,  or  communication,  by  aid  of  drawings, 
and  may  also  have  been  carried  from  Asia,  since, 
both  by  language  and  physical  type,  the  native 
Americans  are  connected  with  Mongolia.  It  shows 
us  how  limited  were  the  powers  of  expression  of 
so  primitive  a  method.  Human  and  animal  forms 
were  portrayed,   numbers  represented  by  strokes, 


EARLY   SYMBOLS.  137 

and  rude  sketches  of  enclosures  indicated  towns 
or  camps  attacked  ;  but  colour  could  only  be  shown 
by  the  use  of  pigments,  and  abstract  ideas  found 
no  expression.  In  Africa  an  equally  primitive  pic- 
torial record  is  found  in  the  Bushman  pictures  of 
the  south,  which  are  thought  to  indicate  a  faint 
memory  of  Egyptian  graphic  art. 

About  seventy  emblems  may  be  considered  orig- 
inal, and  appear  in  two  or  more  of  the  historic 
systems,  some  twenty  being  common  to  all  the 
four.  They  may  be  divided  into  four  groups : 
first,  animal  forms ;  secondly,  limbs ;  thirdly,  nat- 
ural objects  not  animate ;  and  fourthly,  human 
inventions.  In  the  first  class  may  be  found  figures 
of  human  beings,  male  and  female,  kings,  soldiers, 
and  (in  cuneiform)  ghosts,  with  the  more  advanced 
representation  of  two  enemies  opposed,  or  two 
allies  shaking  hands,  and  with  the  full  figures  or 
heads  of  the  bull,  the  ram,  the  sheep,  the  goat, 
the  stag,  the  ass,  the  hare,  the  lion,  wolf,  and  dog, 
as  well  as  birds,  snakes,  and  worms,  all  of  which 
were  distinguishable  by  even  primitive  artists  with- 
out much  trouble  and  in  a  few  lines.  The  second 
class,  including  limbs,  was  specially  useful  for  verbs, 
such  as  refer  to  action  by  seeing,  hearing,  or  touch- 
ing. We  find  very  common  use  of  the  eye,  the 
ear,  the  face  (or  mouth),  the  tongue;  of  the  foot 
or  legs  for  movement,  and  the  hand  in  various 
attitudes  of  taking,  giving,  supplication,  or  menace. 
The  phallus,  the  kteis,  and  the  horns  of  animals, 


138  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

are  also  emblems  common  to  the  various  systems. 
The  third  class  includes  such  emblems  as  sun, 
moon,  and  star,  fire  and  water,  the  thunderbolt, 
the  firmament,  and  rain,  an  outline  of  mountains 
denoting  "  country,"  and  vegetable  objects,  such 
as  tree,  herb,  flower,  corn,  reed,  and  the  vine. 
In  the  last  group  emblems  of  royalty  and  of  war, 
of  civil  life  and  religion,  are  included,  such  as  the 
throne,  crown,  sceptre,  crook,  axe,  sword,  arrow, 
and  bow ;  the  house  and  altar,  with  pots,  bowls, 
and  bottles  of  various  form,  erect  stones  or  mon- 
uments, ploughs,  sails,  boats,  pyramids,  tablets, 
cloths,  chains,  and  keys,  all  more  or  less  clearly 
used  for  special  words. 

The  Hittite,  Egyptian,  and  Cuneiform  agree  in 
the  notation  of  numbers,  strokes  representing  units, 
while  hoops  stand  for  the  tens.  The  plural  in  each 
of  these  systems  is  marked  by  three  or  four  strokes 
following  the  noun  emblem,  and  sometimes  by  re- 
duplicating the  emblem.  The  reduplication  of  a 
sign  standing  for  a  verb  always  signifies  causative 
repeated  or  intense  action. 

The  four  systems,  however,  developed  indepen- 
dently at  different  centres,  and  soon  became  very 
peculiar  and  distinct,  through  invention  of  new 
emblems  or  new  combinations,  and  according  to 
the  requisites  of  languages  of  very  different  char- 
acter. The  Hittite  symbols  do  not  exceed  about 
160  in  all ;  but  the  Egyptian  soon  possessed  400, 
the  Babylonians  in  later  times  distinguished  550, 


COMPOUND    IDEOGRAMS.  1 39 

and  the  Chinese  have  now  24,235  signs.  The 
first  tendency  was  to  combine  the  old  signs, 
and  so  form  compound  pictures  having  a  special 
meaning.  These  are  usually  called  ideograms,  and 
are  often  very  ingenious.  Thus  in  cuneiform  the 
original  bull  emblem  (a  bull's  head)  was  reserved 
for  the  domestic  herd,  and  the  sign  "mountain" 
was  written  on  the  forehead  of  the  wild  bull. 
The  old  signs  for  man  and  woman  had  in  the 
same  waj'  the  sign  for  "land"  or  "mountain" 
attached,  and  then  denoted  the  native  population 
as  "slaves."  The  single  star  stood  (as  in  Egypt 
and  among  Hittites)  for  deity,  two  stars  for  light, 
and  three  for  all  the  stars  or  host  of  heaven. 
The  emblem  for  a  house  with  the  plural  strokes 
inside  meant  many  houses  or  "town";  and  with 
a  fish  inside,  a  fishing  village.  The  square  en- 
closure with  plural  strokes  signified  a  "  place " 
or  region  :  with  corn-sheaves  included  it  became 
a  "  storehouse  "  :  with  the  sign  for  water  within 
it  denoted  "  swamp "  ;  and  with  a  star  inside  it 
was  "  heaven,"  the  house  of  God.  The  firma- 
ment in  all  systems  was  shown  as  an  arch,  and 
when  rays  or  strokes  descended  thence  they  in- 
dicated either  light  or  rain  descending.  The 
moon  with  the  sign  "  thirty "  within  stood  in 
early  times  for  the  month,  and  many  similar 
combinations  are  easily  understood  on  the  same 
lines. 

The    Chinese    adopted   this    method,    and    thus 


140  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

continually  increased  the  number  of  their  signs, 
until  the  system  has  become  so  cumbrous  as  to 
be  only  imperfectly  known  even  to  native  experts. 
Their  combinations  were  often  most  ingenious, 
as,  for  instance,1  where  the  compound  sign  for 
rain,  under  the  sign  for  roof,  indicates  a  "leak." 
But  they  had  taken  a  wrong  principle  in  thus 
multiplying  emblems  which  —  when  roughly 
sketched — became  difficult  to  understand,  instead 
of  simplifying  their  script,  as  was  done  in  the 
West.  The  more  practical  Japanese  found  a  way 
out  of  the  difficulty  by  forming  a  syllabary  of 
selected  Chinese  signs.  We  are  unable  to  com- 
pletely trace  the  history  of  Chinese  earlier  than 
about  the  Christian  era,  when  they  had  already 
greatly  increased  the  200  emblems  thought  to  be 
primitive,  and  had  already  so  modified  the  forms, 
by  generations  of  hasty  sketching,  that  they  are 
for  the  most  part  difficult  to  recognise.  The 
original  connection  of  Chinese  hieroglyphics  with 
those  of  Babylonia  was  advocated  as  an  explana- 
tion of  their  origin  by  F.  Lenormant,  and  the 
question  has  since  received  much  study ;  but  the 
results  cannot  be  said  to  be  conclusive,  owing 
to  the  absence  of  early  Chinese  texts.  In  their 
oldest  forms  the  Chinese  and  Babylonian  show 
few  resemblances,  and  many  features  of  the 
Chinese  system  —  such   as   the    notation    of  num- 

1  For  the  Chinese  generally  see  Chalmers's  '  Structure  of  Chinese 
Characters.'     Hong-Kong,  18S2. 


SYLLABLES    AND    KEYS.  141 

erals,  and  figures  of  the  rat,  tortoise,  monkey, 
dragon,  elephant,  &c,  are  quite  unknown  in  the 
Western  Asiatic  systems.  The  Chinese  language 
is  in  like  manner  of  Mongol  origin  and  remotely 
akin  to  the  Akkadian,  but  it  has  become  so 
changed  through  lapse  of  ages,  and  has  so  much 
modified  its  vocabulary  within  historic  times, 
that  even  the  primitive  Cantonese  gives  few  re- 
liable comparisons  with  Akkadian  words,  while 
the  grammar  has  equally  been  modified,  especially 
in  syntax. 

In  the  West  it  soon  became  customary  to  use 
the  pictorial  emblem  simply  as  a  sound,  in  order 
to  spell  words  with  it  as  with  syllables.  The  prin- 
ciple was  that  of  our  modern  picture-puzzles,  in 
which,  for  instance,  "  I  see "  may  be  represented 
by  an  "eye"  and  "the  sea."  This  method  repre- 
sented a  great  advance  in  thought  and  in  the  re- 
quirements of  an  increasing  vocabulary.  By  such 
means  abstract  ideas  could  at  length  be  repre- 
sented, and  the  number  of  emblems  could  be 
limited.  Even  in  Chinese  three  -  quarters  of  the 
modern  emblems  are  estimated  to  be  "  phonetic  " 
or  syllabic,  the  rest  being  pictures  or  ideograms. 
But  such  puzzle-writing  being  notoriously  difficult 
to  read,  it  became  a  practice  common  to  all  sys- 
tems to  add  "keys,"  or,  as  they  are  called  by 
scholars,  determinatives,  which  indicated  the  class  of 
object,  of  which  the  name  was  spelt  by  one  or  more 
syllables.     Early  languages  being  all  derived  from 


142  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

monosyllabic  roots,  the  original  words  required  only 
single  signs ;  but  as  language  advanced  and  words 
became  longer,  the  use  of  syllables  became  impera- 
tive. The  commonest  "keys"  in  all  four  systems 
are  those  distinguishing  gods,  towns,  countries, 
male  and  female  names,  and  royal  titles.  Thus 
"eye"  alone  would  stand  for  the  pronoun  "I"; 
but  with  a  key,  showing  that  a  "limb"  was  in- 
tended, it  meant  "eye."  Or  "sea"  alone  would 
read  "see,"  but  with  the  key  for  "water"  at- 
tached would  mean  "  sea."  The  reading  of 
ancient  inscriptions  is  rendered  much  easier  when 
these  keys  are  known.  Personal  names  and  other 
classes  of  nouns  are  thus  at  once  distinguished 
from  others  which  are  not  proper  names.  On 
the  same  principle  we  still  use  capital  letters  to 
distinguish  proper  nouns  in  rapid  reading. 

The  old  picture  emblem  had  clearly  no  single 
sound  attached  if  the  language  contained  more 
than  one  word  for  the  object.  Thus  the  horned 
head  might  at  will  be  read  "stag,"  "deer,"  or 
"buck";  the  head  of  the  ass  might  be  read 
"  donkey,"  and  the  house  would  stand  for  "  home  " 
or  "abode."  The  difficulty  was  increased  when 
two  nations  used  the  same  script — as  in  Babylonia. 
The  Akkadian  word  attached  to  the  "star"  was 
An  for  god.  The  Semitic  people  read  it  ilu  (god) ; 
but  when  they  used  the  sign  as  a  syllable,  it  was 
with  the  old  Akkadian  sound  An,  showing  that 
they  were  not  the  inventors  of  the  system,  which 


POLYPHONY.  143 

they  borrowed  from  the  Mongols.  Thus  in  Chaldea 
every  symbol  had  several  sounds,  some  of  which 
were  Mongol  and  some  Semitic.  Many  uncer- 
tainties arise  from  this  natural  development ;  but 
they  are  dispelled  to  a  great  degree  by  the  lists 
prepared  in  the  seventh  century  B.C.  by  Semitic 
scribes,  who  have  given  us  in  parallel  columns 
the  Mongol  and  Semitic  sounds.  What  has  been 
said  of  this  single  example  An  applies  to  all  the 
rest  of  the  cuneiform  emblems,  and  "polyphony," 
as  it  is  called,  is  one  of  the  difficulties  with  which 
a  student  of  cuneiform  has  to  deal,  accounting  for 
many  differences  of  interpretation  among  scholars. 
In  Egypt  the  difficulty  is  less,  since  only  one 
language  was  used,  and  because,  as  a  rule,  only 
one  sound  was  attached  to  each  emblem. 

The  "  law  of  least  effort,"  which  Dr  Isaac 
Taylor  lays  down  as  accounting  for  the  gradual 
deterioration  in  the  recognisable  outline  of  any 
emblem,  is  very  important  for  our  inquiry.  No 
one  would  suspect,  when  looking  at  the  letter  m 
in  Egyptian,  as  written  in  Ptolemaic  times  on 
papyrus,  that  this  was  the  last  trace  of  an  out- 
line which,  on  well  -  carved  hieroglyphic  texts, 
represented  an  "  owl."  When  writing  was  con- 
fined to  records  on  hard  stones,  the  hewn  em- 
blems kept  their  shapes.  But  much  depends  on 
the  materials  used ;  and  when  in  later  days 
scribes  familiar  with  the  script  sketched  (ever 
more    and    more    rapidly)    the    old    pictorial    em- 


144  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

blems  with  ink  on  papyrus,  the}-  constantly  sim- 
plified labour  by  omitting  strokes,  just  as  in  our 
own  days  we  fail  to  cross  the  letter  t  or  to  dot 
the  i  in  hasty  writing.  In  Babylonia  the  incised 
outlines  of  the  old  granite  inscriptions  are  fairly 
recognisable  though  conventional ;  but  when  clay 
came  into  use  for  writing  epistles,  and  a  wooden 
or  copper  graver  was  dug  into  the  soft  surface 
in  sketching  the  forms,  it  resulted  that  a  series 
of  wedge-shaped  prickings  produced  a  very  special 
effect,  which  we  call  cuneiform  writing,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  original  "linear  Babylonian." 
And  so  familiar  became  the  conventions  thus 
arising,  that  in  later  times  the  wedges  were  re- 
produced even  when  the  text  was  on  stone.  In 
the  Hittite  system  the  same  rough  sketching  is 
observable  in  the  case  of  incised  inscriptions, 
while  those  which  are  cut  in  relief  are  more 
clearly  defined,  and  give  us  with  more  certainty 
the  original  outline  of  the  emblems. 

From  the  syllable  to  the  letter  was  a  third 
step,  which  finally  produced  the  alphabet  ;  yet 
so  abstract  is  the  idea  of  a  letter  by  itself,  that 
at  least  two  thousand  years  passed  before  syl- 
lables were  superseded,  and  the  number  of  em- 
blems thus  reduced  to  an  eighth  approximately 
of  those  before  considered  necessary  to  learn. 
The  Egyptians  appear  to  have  been  the  first  so 
to  form  an  alphabet  of  twenty-five  letters  proper, 
which    they   used    for    spelling    words ;    but    they 


AKKADIAN    WRITING.  145 

never  wholly  confined  themselves  to  these,  and 
continued  to  regard  the  keys  as  necessary,  and 
to  express  unusual  words  by  special  pictorial 
signs.  The  Babylonians  never  adopted  this  sys- 
tem, but  continued,  even  down  to  the  first  century 
a.d.,  to  employ  syllables  and  wedges  long  after 
Phoenician,  Greek,  and  Roman  letters  were  in 
common  use.  The  Persians,  however,  did  sim- 
plify the  cuneiform  into  a  rude  alphabet,  which 
retains  indications  of  syllabic  origin  ;  but  they 
also  retained  the  use  of  the  "  keys  "  to  distinguish 
various  classes  of  nouns.  As  to  the  origin  of  the 
Phoenician  alphabet,  more  remains  to  be  said  later. 
The  arrangement  of  the  emblems  differed  in 
different  scripts.  In  Egypt  there  is  no  general 
rule,  and  symbols  were  placed  with  a  view  to 
artistic  effect,  either  vertically  or  side  by  side, 
reading  from  either  left  or  right.  The  Chinese 
write  vertically,  and  the  Akkadians  placed  two  or 
more  syllables  of  a  word  one  below  another,  and 
if  the  word  was  long  it  occupied  two  rows.  The 
writing  was  from  right  to  left,  and  the  lines  were 
scored  across  horizontally,  while  the  words  were 
also  divided  by  vertical  lines  into  compartments, 
indicating  a  clause  in  the  sentence.  When,  how- 
ever, short  texts  came  to  be  written  on  clay,  it  was 
found  just  as  easy  to  read  them  sideways,  and  the 
curious  result  has  been  that  this  latter  became  the 
accepted  fashion.  The  emblems  when  in  profile 
faced  to  the  right — looking  towards  the  beginning 

K 


146  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

of  the  line — and  thus,  when  seen  sideways,  they  all 
fell  on  their  backs,  and  the  line  began  on  the  left. 
Babylonian  and  Assyrian  and  all  the  derived  scripts 
thus  read  horizontally  from  the  left. 

The  early  Greek  inscriptions  are  written  in  alter- 
nate lines,  from  right  to  left  and  left  to  right,  the 
letters  in  the  second  line  being  reversed.  This 
system  had  some  advantage  in  writing,  but  was 
not  generally  adopted.  Until  the  discovery  of  the 
Hittite  script  it  was  supposed  peculiar  to  Greece, 
and  was  known  as  boustrophcdon  writing,  from  the 
plough-furrow  which  turns  back  at  the  end  of  the 
field.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  all  Hittite 
texts  are  so  arranged,  every  emblem  in  the  alter- 
nate lines  being  reversed.  Like  the  Akkadians  the 
Hittites  placed  the  syllables  vertically  one  below 
the  other,  to  the  number  of  three  or  four,  and 
divided  the  lines  by  horizontal  divisions.  They 
also  used  a  sign  for  division  between  words,  which 
is  of  great  value  for  correct  reading  ;  and  they  used 
large  emblems  for  important  parts  of  speech,  and 
smaller  ones  for  suffixes,  just  as  they  made  their 
gods  much  larger  than  the  worshippers.  It  is  also 
evident  that  a  single  emblem,  occupying  the  total 
height  of  the  line,  generally  marks  the  end  of  a 
clause,  and  that  in  certain  cases  the  position  of  a 
sign  standing  alone,  and  not  so  filling  the  line,  is 
important,  and  meant  to  show  its  special  use, 
whether  as  a  prefix  or  as  a  suffix — the  one  at  the 
top,  the  other  at  the  bottom,  of  the  line. 


H1TTITE    WRITING.  1 47 

These  general  principles,  then,  which  apply  to 
all  hieroglyphic  writing,  must  guide  us  in  deci- 
pherment of  any  newly  found  system.  We  have 
first  to  catalogue  the  emblems,  and  to  discover 
whether  there  is  a  limit  to  their  variety.  If  such 
a  limit  exists,  the  writing  cannot  be  purely  pic- 
torial. In  Chinese  there  is  practically  no  limit. 
In  Akkadian  the  old  system  consisted  of  about 
160  emblems  as  used  at  Zirgul,  but  when  special 
compounds  are  added  it  is  found  (from  various 
sources)  to  have  gradually  amounted  to  300  in  all, 
which  the  Babylonians  again  increased  to  about 
550  signs.  Only  about  150,  however,  were  com- 
monly used  as  syllables.  The  Hittite  emblems,  as 
far  as  known,  do  not  exceed  160  in  all,  including 
compounds,  and  we  may  feel  sure,  therefore,  that 
we  are  dealing,  not  with  pure  picture-writing,  but 
with  some  kind  of  syllabary.  If  we  found  only 
some  25  or  30  signs,  we  should  feel  sure  that  they 
represented  an  alphabet ;  but  no  alphabetic  system 
is  expressed  by  signs  so  clearly  pictorial  in  origin. 
The  lapse  of  time,  and  the  "law  of  least  effort," 
had  conventionalised  the  signs  till  they  had  lost 
their  original  outline,  long  before  any  alphabet 
was  used  in  Asia. 

But  how,  it  is  often  asked,  can  it  be  possible  to 
read  inscriptions,  when  you  have  no  knowledge  of 
either  sounds  or  language,  and  no  bilinguals  in  some 
other  script  to  assist  ?  It  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  this  problem  was  actually  solved,  nevertheless, 


148  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

in  the  case  of  the  cuneiform.  The  Persian  texts 
presented  only  a  few  signs,  which  were  treated  as 
a  cipher,  and  as  the  language  was  suspected — from 
accompanying  sculptures — to  be  Persian,  the  cipher 
was  finally  discovered,  after  many  partial  attempts ; 
and  from  this  starting-point  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  and 
others  advanced  to  the  reading  of  the  Babylonian 
and  Akkadian  texts,  which  appeared  hopelessly 
unintelligible  on  account  of  the  much  larger  num- 
ber of  their  emblems.  It  was  then  found  that 
bilinguals  in  Greek  and  cuneiform  actually  existed, 
and  the  reading  of  these  showed  the  correct  solu- 
tion to  have  been  already  found.  The  problem 
was  thus  far  more  difficult  than  that  solved  by 
Champollion,  since  a  long  bilingual  in  Greek  and 
Egyptian  was  available  in  the  Rosetta  Stone.  But 
the  cuneiform  interpreters  had  the  benefit  of  Cham- 
pollion's  experience,  and  were  able  to  apply  prin- 
ciples laid  down  by  him  to  their  work.  In  the 
case  of  the  Hittite  the  same  principles  apply,  and 
the  methods  of  the  discoverers  of  the  two  previous 
systems  may  be  copied. 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  clear  that  no  true  readings 
can  be  obtained  unless  the  sounds  of  the  emblems 
are  known,  and  the  language  definitely  fixed. 
Grammatical  structure  differs  so  much  in  various 
classes  of  speech,  that  it  is  first  necessary  to  deter- 
mine the  class  of  language  to  be  expected.  Many 
had  tried  to  read  Egyptian  before  Champollion, 
but  they  failed  because  they  tried  to  run  before 


EGYPTIAN    WRITING.  I49 

they  could  walk,  and  to  read  before  they  could 
spell.  The  cuneiform  was  once  said  not  to  be  a 
script  at  all,  but  merely  an  ornamental  pattern 
of  various  kinds  of  flowers.  Egyptian  students 
regarded  the  hieroglyphic  system  as  purely  pic- 
torial, and  tried  to  read  it  as  such.  The  Hittite, 
in  spite  of  its  limited  number  of  signs,  has  also 
been  regarded  as  picture-writing,  and  it  has  even 
been  denied  that  the  sculptured  emblems  are  in- 
scriptions at  all.  Experience  should  have  taught  us 
the  reverse  ;  but  it  was  long  before  vicious  methods 
were  abandoned  in  Egyptian,  and  the  genius  of 
Champollion  was  long  unrecognised.  He  deter- 
mined to  exhaust  the  study  of  each  emblem,  and 
to  find  its  sound  before  beginning  to  try  to  read. 
He  traced  the  history  of  each  sign  from  its  old 
hieroglyphic  form,  through  the  hieratic,  down  to  the 
yet  more  cursive  hand  called  Demotic,  and  showed 
that  the  Demotic  and  hieroglyphic  signs  of  the 
Rosetta  Stone  were  but  older  and  later  forms  of 
the  same  emblems.  He  also  remarked  that  a  pure 
picture  -  writing  was  incapable  of  expressing  the 
names  of  persons,  such  as  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra, 
which  were  distinguished  in  their  various  recur- 
rences by  the  surrounding  cartouches ;  and  having 
by  means  of  these — as  known  from  the  Greek — 
recovered  many  sounds,  he  found  in  the  Coptic 
a  language  descended  from  Egyptian,  and,  apply- 
ing it  to  the  text,  was  able  to  read  the  whole.  It 
is  not  until  a  similar  process  has  been  completed 


150  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

for  the  Hittite,  and  both  the  sounds  of  the  em- 
blems and  the  class  of  the  language  defined,  that 
any  but  arbitrary  results  can  be  expected.  But  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that,  in  this  instance,  we 
actually  have  two  bilinguals  —  unfortunately  very 
short  ones — whereby  to  check  results,  and,  as  will 
now  be  explained,  we  have  means  of  recovering 
the  sounds  of  the  language,  and  indications  of  its 
character.  The  problem  is  therefore  not  as  hope- 
less as  it  might  at  first  be  thought  to  be,  and  the 
indications  noted  in  previous  pages  all  point  us 
in  one  direction. 

First,  then,  as  regards  the  sounds  of  the  emblems, 
which  we  must  know  before  the  inscriptions  can  be 
spelt  out :  a  very  valuable  clue  was  discovered  by 
Dr  Isaac  Taylor  and  Dr  Sayce  some  fifteen  years 
ago — namely,  the  existence  of  a  later  hieratic  form 
of  this  script,  with  known  sounds,  depending  on 
a  yet  earlier  discovery  by  G.  Smith,  which  rests 
on  a  bilingual  in  Greek  and  Phoenician  found  in 
Cyprus.  The  Greeks  are  believed  to  have  received 
the  Semitic  alphabet  before  iooo  B.C.,  but  in  the 
sixth  and  down  to  the  fourth  century  in  Cyprus 
they  were  using  a  syllabary  of  54  signs,  which  is 
also  found  in  Lycia,  and  forms  the  original  source 
of  several  peculiar  Lycian  and  Carian  letters  not 
used  by  Greeks.  It  was  recognised  that  the 
emblems  of  this  Cypriote  syllabary  were  in  many 
cases  the  same  found  in  Hittite,  and  though  some 
of  the  comparisons  appear  to  have  been  incorrect, 


THE    CYPRIOTE    SYLLABARY.  151 

others,  like  the  syllables  mo,  nc,  ka,  ti,  &c,  were 
indisputable.  The  recovery  of  some  of  the  sounds 
required  was  thus  first  made,  and  was  an  important 
step  towards  final  decipherment. 

But  it  is  also  noticeable  that  this  syllabary  was 
of  very  rude  character,  and  very  ill  fitted  to  express 
the  sounds  of  the  Greek  language.  It  is  of  course 
no  more  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  script  was 
of  Greek  origin,  than  it  was  to  suppose  that  the 
Persians  invented  cuneiform.  The  syllabary  might 
be  borrowed  from  some  neighbouring  people  of 
another  race.  It  could  not  well  have  been  Semitic, 
because  it  fails  to  distinguish  the  special  sounds  on 
which  Semitic  languages  lay  stress.  It  might,  how- 
ever, easily  be  Mongol,  since  it  would  suffice  for  the 
sounds  of  a  Mongol  dialect.  The  Cypriote  sylla- 
bary does  not  distinguish  g  from  k,  or  t  from  d,  or 
111  from  v,  nor  is  the  distinction  very  clear  between 
/  and  r,  or  between  s  and  z;  and  these  indefinite 
sounds  we  have  already  found  to  be  equally  in- 
definite in  Sumerian  and  Akkadian  speech.  The 
Mongol  origin  of  the  syllabary  is  thus  indicated 
by  the  peculiarities  of  its  sounds.  The  alphabets 
required  for  Aryan  or  Semitic  speech  must  contain 
more  consonants,  and  more  vowels,  than  are  re- 
quired in  writing  a  Mongol  text. 

But  when  all  the  Cypriote  emblems  have  been 
compared  with  their  Hittite  originals  there  still 
remains  much  to  be  done.  Only  60  out  of  about 
160  sounds  can  be  so  recovered,  and  we  have  still 


152  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

to  determine  the  class  of  language  with  which  we 
are  dealing.  A  further  step  had  to  be  taken — 
namely,  to  show,  from  internal  evidence  of  form 
and  sound,  that  the  Cypriote  emblems  were  origin- 
ated by  people  speaking  a  Mongol  language.  These 
steps  having  now  been  attempted  require  to  be 
carefully  explained,  that  the  reader  may  see  the 
reasons  for  assigning  certain  sounds  and  values 
to  the  emblems  in  question,  and  may  be  satisfied 
that  the  suggestions  are  not  arbitrary,  but  based 
on  special  reasons  in  each  case. 

As  regards  the  first  point,  we  have  a  Cypriote 
sign  representing  the  outline  of  two  mountains,  and 
having  the  sound  mi.  We  require  a  language,  then, 
in  which — judging  from  Egyptian  and  cuneiform 
analogy  —  mi  means  "mountain"  or  "country." 
This  would  be  the  language  of  those  who  invented 
the  sign.  We  have  a  sign  which  originally  was  a 
hand  holding  a  stick,  and  its  sound  is  ta  or  da.  We 
require  a  language  in  which  this  sound  means  to 
"  beat  "  or  "  drive."  We  have  a  male  emblem  with 
the  sound  ne,  and  a  female  emblem  with  the  sound 
mo ;  we  need,  therefore,  a  language  in  which  these 
sounds  signify  male  and  female.  And  so  on  with 
the  rest  of  the  signs — such  as  ti  for  an  arrow,  or  ga 
for  a  crook  ;  and  if  in  any  one  language  all  these 
words  can  be  found,  so  that  the  word  for  the  emblem 
coincides  with  its  form  and  its  sound,  as  separately 
determined,  that  beyond  reasonable  doubt  would 
be  the  speech  of  those  who  originated  the  script. 


HITTITE    SOUNDS.  153 

Guided  by  considerations  already  noticed,  we 
look  then  to  Mongol  speech  for  the  clue,  especi- 
ally because  monosyllabic  words  are  commonly 
found  in  this  class  of  language,  and  are  uncom- 
mon in  Semitic  tongues,  and  not  usual  in  Aryan 
languages.  We  find  at  once  that  ma  and  mi  are 
widely  spread  words  for  "earth,"  "land,"  or 
"  place "  in  Mongol  languages,  as,  for  instance, 
in  Finnish,  and  that  in  Akkadian  ma  means 
"  abode  "  and  probably  "  earth."  In  this  lan- 
guage also  da  means  "  to  drive,"  na  means 
"male,"  and  muk  "female,"  ti  is  the  sound  ac- 
companying the  arrow  emblem,  and  ga  is  a 
crook.  We  are  dealing  with  a  language  con- 
temporary with  the  Hittite,  the  sounds  of  which, 
however,  survive  still  in  great  measure  in  pure 
Turkish  —  a  language,  therefore,  probably  in  the 
same  linguistic  stage  with  that  to  be  discovered, 
but  one  with  a  very  peculiar  grammatical  struc- 
ture. The  next  question,  therefore,  is  whether 
the  structure  as  well  as  the  sounds  will  suit  the 
inscriptions  which  are  to  be  read. 

The  internal  evidence  of  the  texts  shows  that 
structure  also  is  Mongol.  Most  scholars  appear 
now  to  admit  that  we  are  dealing  with  agglutina- 
tive speech,  and  with  a  language  using  suffixes 
rather  than  prefixes.  When  we  have  so  described 
the  language  we  are,  in  fact,  only  saying  that 
it  is  Mongolic.  Aryan  languages  are  not  agglu- 
tinative   but    inflexional.     They    use    prepositions, 


154  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

not  post-positions.  Semitic  speech  agrees  in  these 
features  with  Aryan,  not  with  Mongol  grammar. 
The  reason  why  the  language  must  be  regarded 
as  Mongolic  in  structure  is,  that  on  Hittite  texts 
the  smaller  signs,  recognised  to  be  probably  cases 
and  affixes,  occur  under  the  large  signs  for  nouns 
and  verbs.  The  signs  at  the  beginning  of  a  text 
have  after  them  strokes  like  those  which  repre- 
sent the  plural,  in  Egyptian  and  in  early  cunei- 
form. These,  then,  are  probably  nouns  and 
adjectives.  The  signs  at  the  ends  of  inscriptions 
are  often  those  legs,  arms,  and  faces  which,  in 
other  systems,  signify  "  go,"  "  take,"  "  speak." 
These,  then,  are  probably  verbs.  The  proper 
structure  of  Akkadian  speech  invariably  places  the 
verb  last,  whereas  in  Aryan  and  Semitic  lan- 
guages it  may  precede  the  noun.  So  the  Persian 
(Aryan)  texts  begin  "  Saith  Darius  the  king,"  but 
the  Medic  (Mongol)  version  of  the  same  inscrip- 
tion reads  "  Darius  the  king  saith."  Finally  we 
discover  strings  of  nouns  and  adjectives  followed 
by  a  single  sign  of  case,  and  forming  a  "packet" 
governed  by  this  sign ;  and  we  recognise  in  this 
what  is  called  the  "encapsulation"  of  the  Ak- 
kadian— a  peculiar  feature  of  Mongol  grammar. 
Structure,  therefore,  like  vocabulary,  points  to  a 
Mongol  language  as  that  of  the  Hittite  texts,  and 
of  all  those  written  in  the  same  script. 

The  emblems  in   Hittite   had   probably  —  as   in 
Akkadian — more  than  one  sound,  but  those  which 


LINEAR    BABYLONIAN.  155 

are  commonest — amounting  to  some  50  in  all — 
which  are  constantly  repeated  in  varying  combin- 
ations, are  probably  syllables  used  with  a  single 
well-known  sound.  How,  then,  are  we  to  recover 
the  sounds  of  those  which  are  not  found  in  the 
Cypriote  syllabary  ?  If  the  latter  gives  us  the 
syllables  ta,  ti,  tu,  but  not  at,  it,  ut,  how  can  the 
latter — which  by  the  analogy  of  the  cuneiform  are 
to  be  expected — be  distinguished  ?  We  might  feel 
justified  in  assuming  sounds  fitted  to  the  form  of 
the  emblem,  and  so  call  the  sign  for  the  sun  ut 
as  in  x\kkadian.  But  without  some  further  check 
this  would  not  carry  conviction.  The  problem, 
however,  is  simplified  by  aid  of  the  bilinguals, 
which  not  only  give  a  few  sounds,  but  which  show 
us,  in  at  least  one  case,  that  the  Hittite  emblem 
is  actually  the  same  which  was  used  in  the  Sumer- 
ian  system.  This  connection  between  Hittite  and 
linear  Babylonian  was  suspected  by  George  Smith; 
and  now  that  the  latter  script  is  better  known  than 
it  was  ten  years  ago,  it  is  evident  that  the  two 
systems  are  very  closely  connected,  for  out  of  160 
Hittite  signs  there  are  only  about  40  which  cannot 
be  so  compared.  The  two  systems  are  not  identical, 
but  they  are  only  branches  of  one  original  script, 
developing  independently  in  the  north  and  south 
of  Mesopotamia.  The  better  formed  emblems  of 
the  Hittite  texts  give  us  the  prototypes  of  most 
of  the  signs  more  rudely  sketched  in  Chaldea. 
Our  way  is  now  clear,  and  the  method  for  pre- 


156  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

liminary  study  of  the  separate  emblems  is  the  same 
used  for  former  scripts.  It  remains  to  utilise  the 
bilinguals,  and  to  discover  the  "keys"  which  may 
be  expected  to  distinguish  proper  names.  The 
Ashmolean  seal  has  already  been  noted,  with  the 
Hittite  text  Is-gar  Raba ;  and  raba  is  an  Akkadian 
word  for  "servant,"  so  that  Is-gar  Raba  answers 
to  the  cuneiform  legend  of  the  seal,  Abd  Iskhar, 
"the  servant  of  the  deity  Iskhar."  The  silver  boss 
found  in  Cilicia,  which  may  have  been  the  head  of 
a  sceptre,  bears  the  cuneiform  text  Tarkutimme  (or 
Tarraktimme)  sar  mat  Erime,  "  Tarkotimme  king  of 
the  land  of  Erime."  The  so-called  Hittite  emblems 
are  six  in  number,  symmetrically  repeated  on  each 
side  of  the  central  figure  of  a  long-robed  priest  or 
king  with  a  spear.  They  may  be  read  Tar-ko  Urn 
mi  Eri-nie.  The  first  is  a  stag's  or  goat's  head, 
and  in  Akkadian  we  have  the  words  dara  and  darag 
for  "  buck  "  ;  the  second  has  the  form  of  the  Cypri- 
ote ko ;  the  third  has  the  form  of  the  Akkadian 
emblem  dim;  the  fourth  is  the  double  mountain 
{mi)  already  mentioned.  It  may  either  mean 
"land"  or  simply  be  a  syllable.  The  fifth  is  not 
unlike  the  early  cuneiform  ir  ;  and  the  last  consists 
of  four  strokes,  indicating  that  me  was  a  plural 
sound,  as  it  is  also  in  cuneiform.  The  bilingual 
boss,  therefore,  not  only  agrees  with  the  principles 
laid  down  for  finding  sounds  from  the  Cypriote, 
but  also  shows  us  in  two  cases  a  "Hittite"  form 
of  emblem    similar   to    one    known    in    cuneiform, 


HITTITE    KEYS.  157 

and  having  the  same  sound.  Thus  by  spelling 
we  arrive  at  reading,  and  check  the  previous  con- 
clusions as  to  the  required  sounds. 

The  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  placed  a  ver- 
tical stroke  before  the  names  of  men,  but  one  of 
the  difficulties  of  reading  Sumerian  historic  texts 
is  that  this  stroke  is  not  used,  and  consequently 
the  personal  names  are  not  always  certainly  dis- 
tinguishable. On  the  two  Hittite  bilinguals  this 
stroke  is  also  absent  from  the  native  texts ;  but 
on  other  texts,  names  which  seem  clearly  personal 
are  accompanied  by  a  sign  which  seems  to  repre- 
sent a  monolith  on  a  base.  It  has  probably  the 
sound  us  (male),  and  appears  to  be  a  "key"  by 
which  personal  names  are  distinguished. 

Other  "keys"  can  also  be  recognised — namely, 
a  star  for  deity  (occurring  over  the  figure  of  a  god 
on  the  Lydian  seal  already  noticed),  which  star 
also  denotes  god  in  cuneiform  and  Egyptian. 
The  proper  sign  for  "  country "  seems  to  be  a 
three -peaked  mountain,  as  in  the  two  systems 
just  noticed.  The  sign  for  "city"  is  a  peculiar 
one,  found  also  in  cuneiform,  and  supposed  to 
represent  a  "seat."  The  sign  for  "king"  is  a 
head  with  a  high  cap.  The  emblem  for  "  region  " 
is  a  cord,  probably  with  the  sound  ip  (Akkadian  ip, 
"  region,"  and  "  cord  " — as  also  in  Turkish) ;  while 
the  throne  stands  for  "  prince  "  as  in  cuneiform — 
probably  with  the  sound  en.  The  Akkadian  pro- 
nouns and  case-endings  are  in  like  manner  easily 


158  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

recognised  by  the  Cypriote  sounds,  and  the  whole 
Hittite  system  bears  a  most  marked  resemblance 
to  that  used  by  the  Sumerians  of  Chaldea  at  a  yet 
earlier  age. 

Even  when  this  preliminary  work  is  accomplished, 
the  reading  of  the  texts  presents  many  difficulties. 
The  subject  has  to  be  determined,  and  many  texts 
are  fragmentary  or  indistinct,  while  others  have 
been  badly  copied  by  explorers  to  whom  the  char- 
acter was  strange.  The  emblems  are  often  written 
in  a  crowded  and  irregular  manner,  and  when 
the  inscriptions  are  incised  they  are  only  roughly 
sketched.  We  must  rely  chiefly  on  those  of  which 
the  originals  can  be  studied,  or  on  the  copies  made 
by  Mr  D.  G.  Hogarth,  who  possessed  a  list  of  em- 
blems known  from  other  texts,  and  was  thus  able 
to  copy  those  he  found  with  accuracy. 

As  regards  the  subject  of  the  texts,  it  was  not  un- 
natural, at  first,  to  suppose  that  they  were  religious, 
since  they  accompanied  figures  of  deities  in  many 
cases  and  might  be  dedications.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  historic  texts  are  often  accompanied 
by  religious  figures,  and  personal  names  on  seals 
are  generally  consecrated  by  similar  images  of 
protecting  deities.  A  sign  which  may  represent 
an  "eye"  was  thought,  by  Dr  Sayce  and  others, 
to  be  that  used  in  Hittite  for  deity.  Others  urged 
that  it  was  the  "key"  for  names  of  countries. 
The  former  supposition  seemed  to  be  supported 
by  a  similar  sign    (if  correctly  copied)   occurring 


SUBJECTS    OF    THE   TEXTS.  159 

on  the  sceptres  of  gods  at  Iasili-Kaia.  But  its 
occurrence  in  the  more  recently  discovered  in- 
scriptions seems  now  to  render  this  explanation 
improbable.  The  sound  of  the  emblem  is  prob- 
ably si,  which  does  not  mean  god,  but  is  an 
Akkadian  word  for  "  eye  "  and  for  "  country."  The 
meaning  of  the  texts  in  great  measure  depends  on 
whether  they  refer  to  "  places "  or  to  "  gods,"  as 
in  one  case  they  might  be  historic,  and  in  the 
other  would  be  religious.  In  the  one  case  the 
person  invoked  may  be  the  human  overlord,  in 
the  other  the  protecting  god.  Ten  years  of  study 
seem  to  result  in  the  historical  rather  than  the 
religious  being  the  true  explanation.  In  this  case 
the  curious  horned  head,  which  clearly  denotes  an 
"  evil "  person,  will  apply,  not  to  the  fiends,  of 
whom,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Mongols  were  so 
much  afraid,  but  to  human  foes ;  and  the  texts  on 
which  this  occurs  may  relate  to  victories  over 
such,  and  not  to  the  assaults  of  demons. 

The  reader  who  wishes,  after  considering  the 
general  question,  to  proceed  further  into  detail, 
will  find,  in  the  Appendices  of  this  volume,  both 
the  translations  proposed  by  the  author  for  the 
known  texts  in  "  Hittite  "  script,  and  the  reasons 
for  assigning  a  sound  to  each  emblem.  In  con- 
clusion of  the  present  chapter,  it  is  proposed  to 
consider  the  later  history  of  the  script,  and  to 
describe  the  monuments  and  the  seals.  The 
names    found    on    both,    which    are    historic    and 


160  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

belong  to  the  first  Babylonian  dynasty,  furnish 
a  further  argument  in  favour  of  the  decipherment 
which  has  here  been  attempted. 

The  ancients  were  very  uncertain  as  to  the 
derivation  of  the  great  alphabet  which  super- 
seded all  other  scripts  in  Asia  and  Europe  alike. 
Herodotus  (v.  58)  says  that  the  Phoenicians 
taught  the  Greeks  letters.  Berosus 1  claimed  the 
invention  of  writing  for  Babylon.  Tacitus2 
favoured  an  Egyptian  origin.  Pliny  was  doubt- 
ful, saying  (v.  12)  that  the  Phoenicians  invented 
letters,  but  assigning  to  them  only  16,  others 
being  added  by  Greeks  (vii.  56),  Aristotle  thought 
that  17  of  the  letters  then  in  use  were  ancient ; 
but  the  balance  of  opinion  was  in  favour  of 
Phoenician  origin,  though  Tacitus  thought  that 
they  were  taught  to  the  Syrians  by  the  Egyptians 
— a  theory  which  De  Rouge  revived  in  the  present 
century,  and  endeavoured  to  trace  Phoenician 
letters  to  the  hieratic  script. 

The  objections  to  this  view  are  briefly  —  First, 
that  we  do  not  even  then  account  for  the  whole 
alphabet,  for  the  Greeks  had  5  more  letters  than 
the  Phoenicians,  and  the  Carians  and  Lycians  had 
others.  Secondly,  that  the  supposed  resemblances 
between  hieratic  and  Phoenician  letters  are  very 
faint.  Thirdly,  that  the  Egyptian  emblems  did 
not  represent  the  objects  which  we  should  expect 
from    the    Phoenician    names,   such    as   Alcpli,    ox, 

1  Eusebius,  Chron.  Can.,  v.  8.  2  Ann.,  xi.  14. 


ORIIGN    OF    THE    ALPHABET.  161 

Beth,  house,  &c.  The  extra  letters  of  the  Greek 
have  been  traced  to  the  Cypriote  syllabary,  and 
as  a  single  origin  for  the  whole  alphabet,  and 
one  native  rather  than  foreign,  is  probable,  this 
raises  the  question  whether  Cypriote  is  not 
the  real  basis  of  Phoenician  and  Greek  letters 
alike,  in  which  case  the  Hittite  emblems  would 
be  the  original  symbols. 

The  Greeks  adopted  Semitic  names  for  most 
of  their  letters,  but  it  is  remarkable  that  the 
Etruscans  did  not  know  these,  but  only  called 
their  letters  as  we  do,  Ba,  Da,  &c.  Possibly, 
then,  the  Etruscans  took  with  them  an  alphabet 
of  Mongol  origin,  being  Mongols  themselves. 
The  Greek  letters  Phi,  Khi,  and  Psi,  in  like 
manner,  have  only  syllabic  titles,  and  may  have 
been  taken  from  Mongols.  The  problem,  there- 
fore, is  to  discover  whether,  in  Hittite  speech,  the 
syllabic  name  of  each  emblem  might  be  such  as 
to  denote  the  object  to  which  the  Phoenicians 
referred  in  giving  Semitic  names  to  the  letters. 
It  will  be  seen  from  an  investigation  of  each 
letter  that  this  appears  to  have  been  really  the 
case,  and  that  the  emblems  were  used  not  only 
by  the  Hittites,  but  by  the  Akkadians  as  well, 
although  the  comparison  is  closer  with  the  signs 
of  a  script  used  as  we  know  on  the  very  borders 
of  Phoenicia. 

That  the  alphabet  should  have  originated  in 
Arabia    is    improbable.      The   Arabs   adopted    the 

L 


l62  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

civilisation  of  Babylon,  and  of  the  Hebrew  and 
Phoenician  traders  who  first  visited  Yemen  about 
the  time  when  letters  took  the  place  of  cuneiform 
signs  in  Syria.  The  antiquity  of  recently  found 
texts  of  Yemen  has  been  exaggerated,  and  the 
majority  of  these  inscriptions  do  not  date  earlier 
than  the  third  century  B.C.  In  North  Arabia  an 
Aramaic  alphabet  was  used  which  may  have  been 
known  as  early  as  500  B.C.,  but  the  Moabite  Stone 
is  four  hundred  years  older,  and  the  ancient  text 
of  Panammu  I.  at  Samalla  dates  from  800  B.C. 
The  alphabet  came  into  use  after  1500  B.C.,  since 
cuneiform  was  then  the  common  script  of  all 
Western  Asia,  but  it  was  probably  invented  at 
least  as  early  as  1200  B.C.  It  was  from  Phoenicians 
that  the  Arabs  must  have  learned  letters,  and  no 
ancient  author  ever  suggests  the  contrary  explan- 
ation. 

The  history  of  the  letters  is  detailed  in  the  Ap- 
pendix. We  find,  for  instance,  that  a  or  av  was 
the  old  Mongol  word  for  "bull,"  and  the  bull's 
head  is  the  very  evident  origin  of  the  letter  called 
Aleph  (bull),  whence  our  A  is  derived.  The  old 
Akkadian  word  for  "house"  was  ah  (Turkish,  ev 
or  eb),  and  the  sign  common  to  Hittites  and  Ak- 
kadians was  the  probable  origin  of  Beth  (house), 
whence  our  modern  B.  The  letter  L  was  called 
Lamda  by  the  Greeks,  and  Lamed  by  the  Phoeni- 
cians. It  appears  to  have  represented  a  yoke, 
and  may  be  derived  from  the  Hittite  hi,  "yoke," 


HITTITE    TEXTS.  163 

while  in  Akkadian  lu  also  means  "yoke,"  and 
lam-da  "the  plough-yoke."  These  instances  may 
suffice  for  the  present,  but  nearly  every  letter  of 
the  alphabet  may  be  similarly  explained,  and  it 
seems  that  to  the  Hittites,  not  to  the  Egyptians, 
we  owe  the  invention  of  those  letters  in  which  all 
civilised  nations  of  Europe  and  America  now  write. 

The  known  inscriptions  in  the  character  used  by 
Hittites,  Kassites,  and  other  tribes  are  as  yet  few 
in  number,  and  the  script  is  confined  to  Syria  and 
Asia  Minor,  with  exception  of  a  votive  text  on  a 
stone  bowl  found  at  Babylon,  and  now  in  the 
British  Museum,  together  with  several  Ninevite 
seals.  The  bowl  might  have  been  carried  off  as 
spoil  from  elsewhere,  and  some  of  the  seals  appear 
to  have  royal  Babylonian  names  upon  them,  show- 
ing that  in  the  earliest  age  the  script  may  there 
have  been  used  by  the  Kassite  kings.  It  is  only 
in  later  times  that  the  Kassites  used  the  cuneiform, 
Agukakrime,  about  1500  B.C.,  calling  himself  "  king 
of  the  Kassi  and  of  Akkad,  king  of  the  wide  coun- 
try of  Babylon,"  in  a  Semitic  text,  while  Kara- 
indas,  about  twenty  years  later,  is  "king  of  Baby- 
lon, Sumir,  and  Akkad,  king  of  Kassu,  and  king 
of  Karadunias."  These  monarchs  belong  to  the 
third  dynasty,  and  of  the  1st  we  have  no  monu- 
ments before  Ammurabi  unless  they  be  recognised 
in  those  inscribed  with  so-called  "  Hittite "  em- 
blems. 

The  texts  at  a  distance  from   Babylon  seem  to 


164  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

have  been  written  by  local  rulers,  who  acknow- 
ledged the  monarch  of  Babylon  as  an  overlord. 
There  are,  as  already  said,  only  two  groups  of  four 
emblems  at  Iasili-Kaia,  and  several  other  sites  have 
been  described  which  have  yielded  no  inscriptions. 
The  Ninevite  signets  may  have  been  collected  by 
Assurbanipal,  or  some  other  Assyrian  king  who 
gathered  the  earlier  monumental  records  of  the 
empire.  At  Samosata  an  imperfect  example  has 
been  copied  by  Puchstein,  but  is  not  certainly 
legible.  In  Cappadocia  the  remains  are  found  in 
the  south  and  west,  the  texts  being  generally  in- 
cised like  that  on  the  bowl.  Among  these  are  two 
from  Gurun,  some  sixty  miles  south  of  Sivas,  dis- 
covered by  Sir  C.  W.  Wilson,  and  carefully  copied 
by  Mr  D.  G.  Hogarth.  The  more  important  of 
these  two  is  notable  as  showing  numerals,  and  the 
name  of  the  city  Gorumo  may  be  found  on  it,  with 
the  date  of  carving.  It  is  unfortunately  much  in- 
jured, but  was  written  apparently  by  a  certain 
Tarkatimme,  the  local  ruler.  This  title  was  com- 
mon, and  the  name  of  Tarkondimotos,  known  as 
a  Cilician  prince  as  late  as  the  time  of  Augustus, 
is  clearly  similar,  as  pointed  out  by  Dr  Mordtmann. 
At  Izghin  a  text  in  relief,  with  seventy  very  short 
lines,  runs  round  the  four  sides  of  a  limestone  obe- 
lisk eight  feet  high.  It  was  hastily  copied,  but 
seems  to  refer  to  a  ruler  established  in  his  paternal 
possessions,  whose  name  has  been  defaced.  At 
Palanga  a  text  in  four  lines,  incised  and  beginning 


ASIA    MINOR    TEXTS.  165 

on  the  left,  occurs  on  the  front,  left  side,  and  back, 
of  a  basalt  statue  representing  a  seated  figure.  On 
this  may  probably  be  read  the  name  of  Sumuabi, 
the  first  Kassite  king  of  Babylon  (2250  B.C.),  and 
it  records  the  establishment  of  a  ruler  named  Nana- 
eri  ("the  servant  of  Nana")  after  conquest  of  the 
region  under  his  overlord. 

At  Tyana  an  obelisk  was  found  by  Dr  Ramsay 
which  came  from  Bor,  at  which  place  the  lower 
half  is  still  preserved,  but  could  not  be  copied. 
The  upper  part  represents  a  king's  head,  with  beard 
and  hair  in  Babylonian  style,  and  four  lines  of 
incised  writing.  These  also  refer  to  conquest  and 
allegiance  to  a  monarch  whose  name  is  doubtful, 
but  may  be  Siimalu,  equivalent  to  that  of  Sumulailu 
(or  Sumulan),  the  second  Babylonian  king  (2236 
B.C.)  Farther  west  in  Cilicia  the  great  pass  of 
Bulgar  Maden  is  the  site  of  a  very  fine  rock-cut 
text,  which  seems  to  refer  to  Eriaku  of  Larsa  (2140 
B.C.),  and  which  marks  the  boundary  of  conquest 
in  this  direction.  It  consists  of  five  lines  beginning 
on  the  right,  and  is  one  of  the  most  perfect  known, 
and  well  copied  by  Mr  Hogarth.  The  script  is 
more  hieratic  than  that  of  earlier  examples,  and 
often  closely  reproduces  the  Cypriote  forms  of 
emblems. 

At  Kolitolu  Yaila  is  another  inscription,  also 
well  carved  in  relief  on  a  block  of  red  calcareous 
stone,  but  much  injured,  the  reading  being  doubt- 
ful.    The  great  bas-relief  at  Ibreez,  west  of  Tarsus, 


l55  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

has  already  been  noticed.  Two  short  texts  accom- 
pany the  figures,  and  were  copied  by  Major  Fischer 
in  1838,  by  Rev.  E.  J.  Davis  in  1875,  and  by  Mr 
Hogarth  in  1890.  These  are  dedicator}-.  A  broken 
fragment  of  a  third  inscription,  much  worn,  also 
occurs  below.  Yet  farther  west,  on  the  north  side 
of  Mount  Sipylos,  two  leagues  east  of  Magnesia, 
is  the  Cybele  statue  already  described ;  and  near 
Ephesus,  at  the  Karabel  Pass,  are  two  figures, 
one  of  which  was  first  described  by  Texier  and 
bears  a  short  text.  These  are  noticed  by  Hero- 
dotus (ii.  102),  who  describes  the  spear  and  bow 
borne  by  the  figure  in  one  case.  The  pointed  cap, 
short  jerkin,  and  curling  shoes  resemble  the  cos- 
tume of  the  gods  at  Pteria.  Herodotus  thought 
that  they  represented  Sesostris,  and  says  that  an 
Egyptian  text  ran  across  the  breast  between  the 
shoulders,  but  if  so  it  has  disappeared,  and  only 
the  native  inscription  on  the  field  of  the  bas-relief 
remains.  The  second  figure  was  found  by  Dr 
Beddoe  in  1856,  and  is  not  inscribed. 

The  most  northern  sculptures  of  this  class  west 
of  the  Halys  river  include  the  two  figures  of  a 
king  and  a  warrior  at  Ghiaur  Kalessi  ("the  in- 
fidel's fort  "),  some  thirty  miles  south  -  west  of 
Angora,  and  a  lion  at  Kalaba,  east  of  that  town, 
but  neither  of  these  has  an  inscription.  The  king 
at  Ghiaur -Kalessi  is  bearded,  and  wears  a  crown 
apparently  marked  by  an  Uraeus  snake  in  front, 
if  correctly  copied.     He  follows  the  warrior,  who 


CARCHEMISH.  167 

wears  a  round  cap  or  helmet,  and  has  a  broad- 
sword.    These  figures  are  each  ten  feet  in  height. 

At  Doghanlu  Deresi,  in  Phrygia,  a  very  primitive 
figure,  with  three  very  rude  emblems,  seems  to 
belong  to  the  same  class.  This  figure  is  some 
two  feet  in  height,  and  was  sketched  by  Prof. 
Ramsay.1  The  site  lies  between  Koutahieh  and 
Sevri  Hissar.  At  Arslan  Tepe,  near  Malatiya, 
Mr  Hogarth  found  bas-reliefs  with  two  texts,  one 
of  which  is  a  dedication  after  victory,  as  more 
fully  described  in  the  Appendix. 

The  most  beautifully  executed  of  these  hiero- 
glyphs occur  at  Carchemish,  and  three  texts  are 
now  in  the  British  Museum.  The  first  accom- 
panies the  figure  of  a  king  named  Tarkotimme, 
the  vassal  of  Zabu,  the  third  king  of  the  1st 
Babylonian  dynasty  (2201  B.C.) :  it  is  injured  to 
the  left.  The  second  runs  round  the  recesses  of 
a  door-jamb,  and  is  broken  off.  It  presents  five 
lines  of  well-finished  emblems  in  relief,  cut  in  hard 
basalt,  and  appears  to  refer  to  a  conquest.  The 
third  is  on  the  curved  surface  of  a  basalt  monolith, 
and  is  much  worn.  It  refers  to  war,  and  appears 
to  contain  the  name  of  the  city,  written  Karkumis. 
Besides  these  there  are  several  other  fragments  in 
the  Museum ;  and  a  text,  above  a  seated  figure,  lies 
yet  in  the  ruins,  and  has  been  only  very  imperfectly 
sketched. 

At  Aleppo  there  were  at  least  two   such  texts, 

1  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  vol.  iii,  PI.  xxi  B,  pp.  9,  10. 


168  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

but  they  have  now  been  destroyed.  Four  copies 
of  one  of  these  made  by  different  explorers  exist, 
but  differ  a  good  deal,  and  are  very  indefinite, 
showing  the  decayed  condition  of  the  original. 
Not  impossibly  the  name  of  Eriaku  occurs  here 
also. 

At  Hamath  four  stones,  first  seen  by  Burckhardt 
in  1812,  and  now  in  Constantinople,  are  less  well 
preserved.  They  present  five  inscriptions,  of  which 
there  are  two  sets  of  casts  in  England.  The  name 
of  Dutar  (like  the  Hittite  Totar  of  the  Egyptian 
records)  may  perhaps  be  read,  and  that  of  his  over- 
lord was  apparently  Sumumelu  (perhaps  the  same 
as  Sumulailu),  in  two  cases.  These  texts  also  per- 
haps preserve  the  Mongol  name  of  the  city  as 
Karak  (fortress),  equivalent  to  the  Semitic  Hamah 
— or  "fort."  The  expression  of  allegiance  might 
refer  to  a  deity,  but  the  historic  explanation  seems 
on  further  study  to  be  preferable.  In  the  Hamath 
as  in  the  Carchemish  texts,  Babylon  seems  to  be 
noticed  under  its  old  name  as  the  "  holy  "  city  of 
the  Tree  of  Life. 

At  Mer'ash,  north  of  Carchemish,  there  are  four 
texts,  one  found  by  Dr  Gwyther  in  1882  on  a  carved 
lion,  which  is  now  at  Constantinople.  It  is  the 
most  perfect  known,  and  the  cast  can  be  seen  in 
the  British  Museum.  The  name  of  the  chief  who 
erected  it  is  Targon,  and  that  of  his  suzerain 
probably  Zabu.  It  is  a  monument  of  victory. 
The  second  text  at  Mer'ash  accompanies  two  very 


SEALS.  169 

archaic  figures,  of  a  king  whose  name  was  appar- 
ently Zumoebi  (or  Sumuabi  as  before),  and  of  a 
prince  named  Kesir,  who  owned  him  as  overlord. 
This  is  therefore  one  of  the  oldest  of  all,  and 
earlier  than  the  better  executed  lion.  The  third 
and  fourth  texts  are  hardly  legible  from  the  copies. 
With  the  addition  of  the  seals  on  which  occur 
perhaps  the  names  of  Ammi-Zaduga,  Ammi-Satana, 
and  Ebisum,  these  are  the  only  known  Hittite  in- 
scriptions, numbering  70  in  all,  and  all  belonging 
to  the  period  of  the  1st  Babylonian  dynasty. 
Excavation  in  the  palace  of  Tarkudimme  at  Car- 
chemish  would  probably  bring  other  remains  to 
light,  and  a  bilingual  in  cuneiform  might  well  be 
expected  in  this  frontier  fortress. 

In  conclusion  of  this  general  account,  the  fol- 
lowing results  of  ten  years'  work  are  submitted 
to  the  reader's  judgment.  First,  that  it  is  shown, 
by  language  and  physical  type,  that  the  Hittites 
were  a  Mongol  tribe,  who  were  finally  scattered 
in  the  seventh  century  B.C.  Secondly,  that  the 
peculiar  script  of  Syria  and  Asia  Minor  is  inti- 
mately connected  with  that  of  the  Sumerians  in 
Chaldea.  Thirdly,  that  the  language  is  clearly 
Mongol,  and  not  Aryan  or  Semitic.  Fourthly, 
that  the  historic  references  point  to  the  age  of  the 
first  Kassite  kings  of  Babylon,  between  2250  and 
2000  B.C.,  and  that  this  agrees  with  the  archaic 
character  of  the  script,  and  of  the  accompanying 


170  MONGOL    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

sculptures.  Those  to  whom  the  arguments  here 
adduced  appeal  as  being  well  founded  may  be 
inclined  to  study  the  subject  more  in  detail, 
and  to  read  the  Appendices  to  this  volume,  in 
which  those  details  are  given,  and  translations  re- 
sulting from  the  spelling  out  of  the  texts  are 
developed.  The  results  ma)'  perhaps  be  modified 
by  further  discovery ;  but  it  appears  unlikely  that 
the  main  features  of  the  solution  offered  for  this 
problem  will  be  disturbed,  and  an  interesting 
chapter  in  the  very  early  history  of  Asiatic  civil- 
isation will,  it  is  hoped,  be  considered  to  have 
been  made  intelligible  by  the  study  of  this  intricate 
and  difficult  question. 


I/I 


APPENDIX    I. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


To  settle  as  far  as  possible  the  chronology  of  our  periods 
is  important  for  comparative  purposes.  Egyptian  chron- 
ology is  notoriously  uncertain,  and  requires  to  be  checked 
as  far  as  possible  by  the  Babylonian,  which  is  far  better 
established.  The  Assyrian  canon  begins  in  893  B.C.  and 
comes  down  to  666  B.C.,  forming  a  basis  for  calculation 
reliable  within  a  year,  being  checked  by  the  notice  of  an 
eclipse  of  the  sun  on  15th  June  763  B.C.  Earlier  dates 
are  less  exact,  but  a  catena  is  established  by  various 
statements  of  Assyrian  kings,  and  of  Nabonidus  of  Baby- 
lon, which  give  results  probably  reliable  at  least  as  far 
back  as  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  Babylon,  as 
below  : — 

1.  Sennacherib  in  his  text  of  the  tenth  year,  at  Bavian, 
speaks  of  the  defeat  by  Marduk-Nadinakhi  of  Tiglath- 
Pileser  I.  as  occurring  418  years  earlier  (or  618  according 
to  another  decipherment,  which,  however,  agrees  less  well 
with  other  data),  so  that  the  probable  date  is  11 13  B.C. 
As,  however,  this  defeat  does  not  appear  to  have  belonged 
to  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Tiglath-Pileser  I.,  the 
first  five  years  of  which  at  least  were  victorious,  his  acces- 
sion may  be  placed  as  early  as  11 20,  and  perhaps  as 
1 1 30   B.C. 

2.  Sennacherib  also  speaks  of  the  seal  of  Tiglath-Adar 
of  Assyria  as  having  been  carried  off  600  years  before  his 


172  APPENDIX    I. 

own  conquest  of  Babylon  in  692  B.C.,  giving  a  date  1292 
B.C.  Tiglath-Adar  conquered  Babylon — probably  earlier 
— and  would  accede  roughly  about  1300  b.c. 

3.  Tiglath  -  Pileser  I.,  rebuilding  a  temple  in  Assur, 
sought  for  the  foundation  cylinder,  and  says,  "  The  monu- 
mental stones  of  Samas-Rimmon  my  ancestor  I  anointed 
with  oil,  a  victim  I  sacrificed,  and  restored  them  to  their 
place."  He  further  states  that  the  temple  had  then  lain 
waste  for  sixty  years,  in  the  reign  of  Assur-Dan,  roughly 
from  about  1200  B.C.  Again  the  text  states  that  the 
temple  had  gradually  decayed  for  641  years  before 
Assur-Dan,  from  the  time  of  Samas-Rimmon,  patesi  of 
Assur,  son  of  Ismi-Dagon,  patesi  of  Assur,  who  would, 
roughly  speaking,  have  reigned  (as  a  prince  dependent 
on  Babylon)  about   1850  b.c. 

4.  The  contemporary  of  Assur-Dan  in  Babylon  about 
1200  B.C.  was  Zamama-mumu  (if  the  name  is  Kassite). 

5.  Nabonidus,  the  last  king  of  Babylon,  states  that 
Burnaburias  of  Babylon  set  up  an  image  of  the  Sun  in 
Larsa  700  years  before  Khamzir  of  Babylon  restored  it, 
which  carries  back  his  reign  to  1420  B.C.  As  the  earlier 
part  of  this  reign  was  disturbed  by  Assyrian  disputes,  the 
Temple  building  may  be  supposed  to  be  in  the  later 
period,  and  Burnaburias  may  have  acceded  as  early  as 
1440   B.C. 

6.  Nabonidus  also  says  that  'Ammurabi  reigned  700 
years  before  Burnaburias,  which  will  bring  his  accession  to 
about  2140  b.c.  or  later. 

7.  Assurbanipal  states  that  Kudur-Nanhundi  of  Elam 
invaded  Babylonia  1635  years  before  the  date  of  his  own 
conquest  of  Elam  in  645  b.c.  The  Elamite  king  was 
thus  ruling  about  2280  B.C. 

8.  Nabonidus  mentions  Dungi  as  living  700  years 
before  'Ammurabi — or,  roughly,  in   2800  B.C. 

9.  Nabonidus  discovered  the  cylinder  of  Naramaku, 
whom  he  believed  to  have  lived  3200  years  before  him- 
self, or  about  3750  B.C.  The  father  of  the  latter  (Sargina) 
would  thus  be  ruling  about  3800  b.c,  but   this  remote 


CHRONOLOGY.  173 

period  is  not  likely  to  have  been  very  accurately 
known.1 

10.  Nabonidus  speaks  of  a  (Kassite)  king,  named  Saga- 
salti-burias,  as  reigning  800  years  before  himself,  or  about 
1350  B.C. 

These  references  contrast  remarkably  with  the  absence 
of  chronological  statements  in  Egypt,  and  though  they 
may  not  be  accurate,  they  are  at  least  better  foundations 
for  history  than  the  garbled  texts  of  later  Greek  writers, 
like  Berosus  or  Manetho.  From  various  Greek  sources,2 
however,  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  calculates,  by  separate  series 
of  dates,  that  the  foundation  of  Babylon  occurred  in  either 
2234,  2233,  or  2231  B.C.  This  appears  to  agree  with 
monumental  history  within  some  twenty  years — for  two 
valuable  tablets,  discovered  by  Mr  H.  Rassam  and  trans- 
lated by  Mr  T.  G.  Pinches,  record  the  reigns  of  the  Baby- 
lonian kings  from  the  first ;  and  though  they  are  injured, 


1  At  Nippur  Dr  Peters  found  the  bricks  of  Sargina  and  Naramaku 
immediately  under  those  of  Urbau  (who  has  even  been  thought  to 
have  been  the  son  of  Naramaku).  In  this  case  Sargina  may  be 
brought  down  to  2900  B.C.  at  earliest.  Whether  a  text  by  a  certain 
Sargani  (if  this  is  a  proper  name)  should  be  attributed  to  Sargina 
is  very  doubtful.     The  inscription  on  a  gate-socket  reads  probably — 

(1)  AN  ENLIL  gal  Ba  Sargani  Sar  Uru  da  khtiv  Sar  Agade  [ci] 
Ba  turn  Ekur  e  AN  ENLIL  in  ENLILKI  sa  Dub. 

(2)  \_gina  ?]  lila  [gin  ?]  AN  ENLIL  Bae  ANUT  Bae  Dingirri 
[i/ssn  ?]  lila  khu  bae  seballa  lili  NA  GU  in. 

"Sargani,  who  is  king  of  the  city,  king  of  the  place  Agade,  has 
made  this  for  the  great  genius,  a  temple  of  the  high  house  of  the 
genius,  in  the  place  of  the  genius  making  a  tablet  of  consecration, 
a  shrine  of  the  genius,  a  shrine  of  the  Sun-god,  the  mighty  god,  which 
shrine  to  the  spirit  being  worshipped,  the  spirit  descends  to  the  place 
of  rest  "  (or  to  the  district). 

It  is  remarkable  that  while  finding  remains  of  the  early  Sumerian 
kings  above  mentioned,  and  of  Urbau  and  Dungi,  as  well  as  of  rulers  of 
the  2nd  Kassite  dynasty,  none  were  discovered  of  the  first  Babylonians 
— Sumuabi,  Zabu,  &c;  which  shows  either  that  they  had  not  conquered 
the  Sumerians  before  the  time  of  Eriaku,  or  that  they  did  not  use  the 
Sumerian  script.  The  names  of  various  rulers,  supposed  to  be  men- 
tioned at  Nippur,  are  doubtful  (since  no  determinative  of  personal 
names  is  used);  and  some,  like  Sar  ki  ra  nidudu  ("made  for  the 
king  of  the  place"),  are  probably  not  proper  names  at  all. 

2  Rawlinson's  Herodotus  (3rd  edition,  1875),  vol.  i.  p.  423. 


174  APPENDIX    I. 

the  totals  for  the  dynasties  are  fortunately  preserved 1 
The  tablets  bring  us  down  to  the  Persian  conquest,  and 
some  of  the  reigns  noticed  are  very  long,  but  the  informa- 
tion is  the  best  we  have,  since  copyists'  errors  are  not 
encountered,  unless  they  were  made  by  the  Babylonian 
scribe  himself.  As  the  later  kings  are  enumerated,  and 
their  dates  fixed  independently  by  the  Assyrian  canon — 
since  they  include  conquerors  such  as  Pul  (Tiglath-Pileser 
II.,  729  B.C.),  Sargon  (710  b.c),  Sennacherib  (705  and 
688  B.C.),  and  Esarhaddon  (680  B.C.) — we  have  a  secure 
starting-point  for  the  beginning  of  the  8th  (or  1st  Assyro- 
Babylonian)  dynasty  in  10 12  B.C. 

The  lengths  of  the  periods  for  the  first  three  dynasties 
given  in  these  tablets  are  as  follows  : — 

Years. 

1st  dynasty  of  Tintir  (Babylon) 294 

2nd  n  Uruku2  (Erech)        ......         368 

3rd  it         (the  Kassites)  .......         577 

Total         .         .       1239 

If  these  dynasties  were  succeeded  by  the  ist  Assyro- 
Babylonian,  the  establishment  of  Babylon  as  a  royal  city 
is  thus  carried  to  2250  B.C.,  which  is  as  near  as  could  be 
expected  to  the  calculations  from  Greek  sources  above 
noticed. 

Four  other  short  dynasties  are  noticed  on  the  more 
complete  tablet,  first  published — namely  : 

Years. 

11  kings  of  Pase  (otherwise  Isin)    .....  for  72-5 

3         n         Tamtim  (the  sea-coast)         ....  n     21*3 

3         ,,         Beth  Basi  (or  Ebasi) h     20*2 

1  king  of  Elam       ........  n       6-o 

Total         .         .      i2o-o 

If  these  kings  are  to  be  regarded  as  reigning  after  the 
3rd  dynasty,  the  date  of  foundation  of  the  royal  capital  of 
Babylon  must  be  shifted  back  120  years,  to  2370  b.c. 
But  the  names  so  occurring  may  be  those  of  kings  con- 

1  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc.  December  1880,  May  1884. 

2  The  Babylonians  did  not  distinguish  clearly  the  koph  and  kaph. 


CHRONOLOGY.  175 

temporary  with  the  end  of  the  3rd  dynasty — a  period  of 
weakness  in  Babylonia  before  the  Assyrians  became  its 
overlords.  If  we  so  consider  the  4th,  5th,  6th,  and  7th 
dynasties,  it  will  be  found  that  the  date  of  accession  of 
'Ammurabi  (sixth  king  of  the  1st  dynasty)  is  brought  to 
2139  B.C.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  statement  of 
Nabonidus  would  make  him  accede  in  2140  B.C.  at  earliest, 
and  this  being  quite  an  independent  determination,  it 
seems  clear  that  the  date  is  fairly  certain  as  far  as  the 
calculations  of  the  later  Babylonians  can  be  believed. 
Hence  the  foundation  of  Babylon  in  2250  b.c.  is  accepted 
in  this  volume  as  approximately  correct.  Calculations 
based  on  the  remains  of  the  writings  of  Berosus  (which 
are  imperfect)  have  been  thought  to  give  the  date  about 
2200  b.c,  which  agrees  as  nearly  as  could  be  expected. 

The  following  dates  for  the  first  three  dynasties  result 
from  this  calculation.  In  cases  marked  by  a  star  the 
tablets  are  erased,  and  the  names  are  supplied  from  other 
sources,  with  approximate  dates.  Those  with  lengths  of 
reigns  attached  are  found  in  the  dynastic  tablets ;  and 
the  contemporary  Assyrian  monarchs  are  added  from  the 
sources  above  noted  and  from  other  lists  : — 


BABYLON. 

ASSYRIA 

1st  Dynasty. 

Years. 

B.C. 

i.  Sumuabi 

15 

225I 

2.  Sumulailu    . 

35 

2236 

3.  Zabu    . 

14 

220I 

4.  Alamaku  :    . 

18 

2187 

5.  Akumupalab  2 

30 

2169 

6.   'Ammurabi  . 

45 

2139 

7.  Saamsuiluna 

35 

2094 

8.   Ebisum 

25 

2059 

9.  Ammi-Satana 

25 

2034 

10.  Ammi-Zaduga 

21 

2O09 

11.  Saamsusatana 

3i 

I988 

2nd  Dynasty. 

I.  Anman 

5i 

1957 

2.   Ki  ni  bi 

55 

I906 

1  As  a  Semitic  name  Alrilsin,  but  the  other  names  are  Kassite,  as 
a  rule. 

2  Or  Sin-Muballid  as  a  Semitic  name. 


176 


APPENDIX    I. 


BABY] 

_ON. 

ASSYRIA. 

2nd  Dynasty. 

Years. 

B.C. 

Patesis  of  Assur. 

B.C. 

3- 

Damkilisu   . 

46  1 

185I 

Ismi-Dagon    . 

1850 

4- 

Iskipal 

15 

I805 

Samas-Rimmon 

1820 

5- 

Sussi    . 

27 

I79O 

6. 

Gulkisar 

55 

I763 

Kings  of  Assyria. 

7. 

Kirgal 

50 

1708 

Bel-Kapkapu  . 

1700 

8. 

Aadara 

28 

1658 

9- 

Akurul 

26 

163O 

Adasi. 

10. 

Melamma    . 

6 

1604 

Bel-Bani. 

11. 

Eaga ...     . 
3rd  Dynasty. 

9 

1598 

Irba-Sin. 

1. 

Kandis 

16 

1589 

2. 

Agumsi 

22 

1573 

3- 

Aguasi 

22 

I551 

Assur-Nadinakhi    circa 

1550 

4- 

Ussi     . 

8 

!529 

Assur-Nirari. 

5- 

Adumetas     . 

circa 

*SiS 

Nebo-Dan. 

6. 

Tazziumas    . 

,, 

1510 

Assur-Sumesir. 

*7- 

Agukakrime 

, 

1500 

Bel-Tiglat-Assur. 

*8. 

Calimmasin 

, 

1490 

*9- 

Karaindas    . 

, 

1480 

Rimmon-Nirari. 

*IO. 

Kurigalzu  I. 

, 

1470 

Assur-Belnisisu       circa 

1470 

*n. 

Burnaburias 

, 

1440 

Buzur-Assur               ,, 

I45° 

*I2. 

Karaurutas 

' 

1410 

Assur-Uballid            M 
(father  of  next). 

1435 

*i3- 

Kurigalzu  II. 

, 

1400 

Bel-Nirari       .           ,, 

1390 

*I4. 

Kudururas 

, 

1370 

Budilu    . 

1360 

*iS- 

Sagasaltiburias 

, 

i35° 

Rimmon-Nirari          ,, 

1340 

*i6. 

Naziurutas  . 

, 

J33o 

Shalmaneser  I.          n 

1320 

*i7. 

Karaenkit    . 

, 

1300 

Tiglat-Adar    .            n 

1300 

18. 

1 

Bel-Kudureser. 

*ig. 

Rimmon-Sumnas 

lr 

, 

Adar-Pileser. 

*20. 

Zamama-Sumedh 

1 

- 

1200 

Assur-Dan      .            „ 

1200 

21. 
22. 

22 

1 176 

Mutakkil  Nebo          ,, 

"75 

♦23. 

Nebo-Kudureser 

26 

"54 

Assur-Risisi    .            n 

1150 

*24. 

Marduk-Nadinak 

hi      17 

1128 

Tiglath-Pileser  I.      1,    - 

1 130 

25- 

Kara ...     . 

2 

T  1 1 1  :i 

Assur-Belkala            n 

IIIO 

26. 

Izameti 

6 

I IO9 

27. 

Sagasal  .  .  . 

-3 

I IO3 

28. 

Kasbat 

8 

IO9O 

29. 

Bel-Nadinsumi 

iK 

IO82 

Samas-Rimmon         n 

1085 

30. 

Karaurus     . 

ij£ 

IO80 

1  Or  thirty-six  years,  which  would  bring  the  foundation  of  Babylon 
to  2241  B.C.  ;  on  the  other  hand,  'Ammurabi  is  otherwise  stated  to 
reign  fifty-five  years. 

2  Reigning  in  11 13  B.C.,  according  to  Sennacherib. 

3  Two  short  reigns  of  Marduk-Supilakullat,  and  Rimmon-Baladan 
(Assyrians),  are  believed  to  follow  No.  25,  when  a  new  dynasty 
(No.  26)  followed. 


CHRONOLOGY.  177 


BABYLON. 

ASSYRIA. 

3rd  Dynasty. 

Years. 

B.C. 

Kings  of  Assyria. 

31- 

Rimmon-Nadinsumi      6 

IO79 

32- 

Rimmon-Sumnasir 

30 

I073 

Assur-Nirari. 

33- 

Melisikhu     . 

15 

IO43 

Nebo-Dan. 

34- 

Marduk-Baladan 

13 

IO28 

35- 

Zagaga-Sumedin 

1 

IOI5 

Shishak. 

36. 

Bel-Sum  ... 

2 

IOI4 

Naromat. 

This  brings  us  down  to  the  foundation  of  an  Assyrian 
dynasty  in  1012  B.C.  The  subsequent  reigns  do  not  con- 
cern us,  as  the  Kassites  ceased  to  rule  Babylon.  The 
names  of  kings  of  the  1st  and  2nd  dynasty,  and  those 
of  the  third  (except  No.  8,  who  is  only  noticed  in  a  letter 
from  Amenophis  III.,  and  one  from  himself  in  the  Tell 
Amarna  Collection),  appear  to  be  Kassite  down  to  the 
time  of  Shalmaneser  I.,  the  sons  of  Burnaburias  (and  of 
his  own  daughter)  being  supported  by  Assur  -  Uballid. 
After  about  1300  B.C.  they  are  Semitic  until  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  Kassite  family  (1111-1090  B.C.),  and  then 
(if  transcribed,  and  not  translated  into  Assyrian  by  the 
scribe)  they  are  again  Semitic.  A  constant  struggle 
between   Assyria   and    Babylon   went    on    from    1400   to 

IOOO    B.C. 

Turning  to  the  Egyptian  chronology,  we  notice  that 
Burnaburias  wrote  letters  to  Amenophis  IV.,  as  did  Rim- 
mon-Nirari  to  Thothmes  IV.  These  are  the  only  syn- 
chronisms on  which  we  can  rely,  and  there  are  no  means 
of  fixing  accurately  the  Egyptian  dates  from  Egyptian 
evidence.  The  dates  proposed  by  Mahler,  and  accepted 
by  Dr  Flinders  Petrie,  do  not  agree  with  the  Babylonian 
chronology.  The  latter  authority  places  the  accession  of 
Amenophis  IV.  in  1383  B.C.,  or  about  thirty  years  after 
the  latest  date  we  can  assign  for  the  last  years  of  Burna- 
burias. Yet,  that  these  two  kings  were  contemporaries 
is  certain.  Dr  Brugsch,  on  the  other  hand,  supposes 
Amenophis  III.  to  have  acceded  about  1500  B.C.,  and 
as  he  reigned  thirty-six  years,  Amenophis  IV.  would  accede 
about  1464  B.C.,  which  fits  far  better,  Kurigalzu  I.,  father 
of  Burnaburias,   being  known    to    be   a   contemporary  of 


1/3  APPENDIX    I. 

Amenophis  III.,  while  Assur-Uballid  wrote  a  letter  to 
Horus,  the  successor  of  Amenophis  IV.  From  the 
letters  it  appears  that  Burnaburias  was  younger  than 
Amenophis  IV.,  who  is  believed  to  have  reigned  some 
thirty  years. 

According  to  the  Bible  (Hebrew  text,  i  Kings  vi.  i), 
the  conquest  of  Palestine  appears  to  have  occurred  about 
1480  B.C.,  in  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Amenophis  III., 
and  this  is  perfectly  in  accord  with  the  account  of  the 
victories  of  the  'Abiri,  or  Hebrews,  in  Palestine  in  that 
reign,  as  mentioned  in  the  Tell  Amarna  tablets.  The 
synchronisms  which  result  in  the  reigns  of  Rameses  II. 
and  Mineptah,  and  the  notice  of  Israel  in  Palestine  in 
the  time  of  the  latter,  have  been  explained  in  chapter  ii. 
The  dates  of  Dr  Brugsch  thus  agree  with  the  Babylonian, 
the  Assyrian,  and  the  Hebrew  chronology,  and  have  con- 
sequently been  here  adopted. 

The  reason  which  induces  Dr  Petrie  to  accept  the  later 
dates  of  Mahler  is,  that  they  are  supposed  to  be  fixed 
by  astronomical  calculations  of  the  rising  of  Sirius  just 
before  the  sun  (or  heliacally)  on  certain  days  of  the  vague 
Egyptian  year  ;  and  it  is  claimed  that  they  can  thus  be 
fixed  within  ten  years.  This  argument  sounds  very  strong, 
and  it  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  examine  it,  and  to  show 
where  it  fails.  Dr  Brugsch  suspected  its  reliability,  but 
does  not  enter  further  into  the  question. 

The  Egyptian  year  was  one  of  twelve  months,  each  of 
thirty  days,  with  five  extra  days  at  the  end  of  the  year,  or 
365  in  all.  This  year  was  as  old  as  the  12th  dynasty, 
when  kings  swore  not  to  change  it ;  but  since  the  tropical 
year  consists  of  365 '242  days,  the  Egyptian  year  con- 
stantly lost,  and  its  seasons  shifted,  so  that  in  about  1507 
tropical  years  New  Year's  Day  had  run  through  all  the 
days  of  the  true  year,  back  to  the  starting-point.  This 
was  observed  as  early  as  the  time  of  Mineptah ;  but  the 
Egyptians  continued  to  use  the  vague  year,  while  the 
Babylonians  were  careful  to  keep  their  months  in  their 
seasons,  by  interpolating  an  extra  month  to  make  up  the 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1/9 


deficiency  of  their  lunar  year.1  The  Akkadians  also  seem 
to  have  made  their  months  agree  with  seasons,  judging 
from  the  names  of  their  calendar. 


CALENDARS. 

Season. 

Assyrian. 

Egyptian, 

Akkadian. 

750  B.C. 

I. 

March-April 

Bar-ziggar,  bright  sky 

Nisan.  beginning 

Thoih 

2. 

April-May 

Le-sidim,  herd-fattening 

lyar,  light 

Paopi 

3. 

May-  June 

Murge,  bricks 

Sivan,  bricks 

Atliir 

4- 

June-July 

Su-kzdga,  ripening  seed 

Tammuz,  sun 

Kceak 

July-Aug. 

Nencgar,  very  hot 

Ab 

Tubi 

6. 

Aug.-Sept. 

Gi-sitkvs,  fruit  (?) 

Eltd 

Mechir 

7- 

Sept. -Oct. 

Dulku,  cloudy 

Tasrit,  beginning 

Phamcnoih 

8. 

Oct. -Nov. 

Apin-gaba,  irrigation 

Marchesvan,  eighth 

Pharmuthi 

9- 

Nov. -Dec. 

Gan-ganna,  very  cloudy 

Cislezi,  giant 

Fachons 

10. 

Dec. -Jan. 

Abba-uddu,  floods 

Te'bet,  rain 

Paoni 

11. 

Jan. -Feb. 

Assur,  rainy 

Sebat,  storm 

Epiphi 

12. 

Feb.-March 

Sigi/ar,  sowing 

Adar,  dark 

Mesori 

The  incidence  of  the  Egyptian  and  Julian  years,  in 
Greek  and  Roman  times,  is  known  from  several  state- 
ments. In  24  B.C.  the  1st  of  Thoth,  or  New  Year's  Day, 
was  on  the  29th  August.  In  198  b.c.  (Rosetta  Stone) 
the  1 8th  of  Mechir  was  the  4th  of  the  Greek  spring  month 
Xanthicus. 

We  have  also  certain  statements  as  to  the  day  of  the 
Egyptian  year  on  which  Sirius  (Sothis)  rose  immediately 
before  the  sun,  but  not  obscured  by  its  rays  so  as  to  be 
invisible.     Thus  the  "heliacal"  rising  was  as  follows  : — 


In    9th  year  of  Amenophis  I.  on  the    9th  of  Epiphi. 
n     2nd       11       Mineptah  n       29th  n  Thoth. 

11  nth        ,,       Takelut  IE  „         1st    ,1  Tybi. 

Also,  in  a  year  not  stated  during  the  reign  of  Thothmes 
III.,  Sirius  so  rose  on  28th  Epiphi.  In  the  decree  of 
Canopus  (ninth  year  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes)  it  is  noticed 
that  the  Egyptian  year  was  losing  a  quarter  day  annually 
as  compared  with  the  rising  of  Sirius,  and  (taking  into 
account  the  effect  of  precession  of  the  equinox)  this  was 

1  If,  as  usually  believed,  their  months  had  thirty  days,  the  interpola- 
tion was  only  required  every  six  years,  with  a  fourteenth  month  every 
124  years.  But  the  1st  of  the  month  may,  as  among  the  Jews  of  the 
later  Roman  age,  have  been  fixed  by  actual  observation  of  the  moon. 


180  APPENDIX    I. 

roughly  correct.  Hence,  in  a  cycle  of  1461  Julian  years, 
the  date  of  rising  ran  through  all  the  days  of  the  Egyptian 
year  in  succession. 

Censorinus  the  astronomer,  writing  in  239  a.d.,  states 
that  a  century  earlier  Sirius  had  been  rising  on  the  1st 
Thoth.  This  was  approximately  correct,  since  in  139  a.d. 
the  1  st  Thoth  was  the  19th  July  of  the  Julian  year,  which 
is  within  a  day  of  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius  at  Memphis 
for  that  date.  The  exact  rising  is  stated  as  197  July  for 
the  year  45  B.C.  (the  Julian  era),  and  by  Palladius  (vii.  9), 
referring  to  Egypt,  it  is  given  as  the  19th  July.  The  cal- 
culations by  Biot  (as  early  as  1831)  have  been  relied  on 
by  later  Egyptologists,  and  Mahler's  late  dates  depend  on 
the  statement  of  Censorinus,  and  on  the  Sothic  cycle  of 
1 46 1  years,  supposed  to  be  that  of  Sirius  as  compared 
with  the  Julian  year. 

But  these  calculations  have  not  the  certitude  that  has 
been  supposed.  If  we  had  ancient  observations,  in  terms 
of  the  tropical  year,  for  the  rising  of  Sirius,  dates  not  very 
remote  from  these  years  could  be  fixed  with  some  accu- 
racy ;  but  the  cycle  cannot  be  used  by  simple  addition, 
because  the  effects  of  the  precession  of  the  equinox  differ 
at  different  periods,  to  say  nothing  of  the  exactitude  of 
ancient  observations,  which  may  easily  have  been  a  day 
out  on  any  occasion.  At  present  the  rising  of  Sirius  takes 
place  about  two  and  a  half  minutes  later  each  succeeding 
year,  but  in  1000  b.c.  the  difference  was  about  twelve 
minutes  yearly,  so  that  the  calculation  fails  us  most  just 
about  the  historic  period  when  it  would  be  most  useful. 
The  observations  are  stated  in  days  only,  and  would  jump 
nearly  a  whole  day  at  times  in  consequence,  being  made 
at  sunrise.  A  day  represents  a  difference  of  120  years  in 
date  at  the  time  in  question,  and  the  uncertainties  amount 
to  some  200   years  in  calculations  based  on  these  data.1 

1  I  am  indebted  to  a  well-known  astronomer  for  these  facts.  The 
rising  of  Sirius  about  1 600  B.C.  is  calculated  to  have  occurred  i8-6 
July  (Julian),  which  would  agree  with  the  dates  given  in  this  appen- 
dix, as  far  as  such  a  method  can  be  used. 


CHRONOLOGY.  iSl 

Hence  astronomical  observations  do  not  enable  us  to  fix 
the  reigns  of  the  18th  dynasty  with  any  approximation  to 
exactitude ;  and  when  the  results  differ  by  half  a  century 
from  those  obtained  from  the  more  accurate  Babylonian 
chronology,  it  is  clear  that  half  a  day  in  the  time  of  rising 
of  Sirius  would,  at  this  period,  cover  the  discrepancy.  It 
is  safer,  therefore,  to  abide  by  the  rough  dates  of  Dr 
Brugsch,  which  are  probably  as  near  as  we  can  hope  to 
approach,  in  absence  of  further  information  as  to  Egyptian 
chronology.  The  calculations  of  Egyptologists  differ  by 
more  than  a  century  as  to  the  date  of  accession  of  Ahmes, 
founder  of  the  18th  dynasty;  while  as  regards  the  date  of 
Menes,  the  first  Egyptian  king,  we  have  the  following  re- 
sults from  the  same  data  : — 

B.C. 

Lenormant  and  Mariette    ....  5000 

Flinders  Petrie   ......  4777 

Lepsius       .......  3892 

Bunsen  and  Renouf    .....  3000 

Wilkinson  and  Stewart  Poole     .         .         .  2691 

When  calculations  thus  differ  by  more  than  double  the 
time  between  Alfred  and  Queen  Victoria,  for  the  founda- 
tion of  Egyptian  civilisation,  it  is  best  to  acknowledge  that 
the  date  is  unknown. 

The  discrepancies  are  due  to  the  unreliable  character 
of  the  data  on  which  they  are  founded,  both  those  which 
are  monumental  and  those  derived  from  Manetho.  It  is 
not  certain  how  far  the  dynasties  were  successive  or  con- 
temporary, nor  is  the  time  of  the  duration  of  any  dynasty 
certainly  known.  Monumentally  we  have  the  famous 
Abydos  tablet,  which  gives  the  names  of  seventy-six  kings 
preceding  Seti  I.  and  his  son  Rameses  II.  It  gives  no 
dates,  and  it  entirely  omits  not  only  the  7th,  and  the 
14th,  15th,  1 6th,  and  17th  (foreign)  dynasties,  but  the 
13th  Theban  dynasty  as  well,  so  that  the  names  of  the 
12th  are  followed  immediately  by  those  of  the  18th 
dynasty.  An  average  of  fifteen  years  would  probably  be 
sufficient  for  these  reigns,  bringing  the  date  of  Menes  to 


182  APPENDIX    I. 

about  2800  B.C.;  but  the  13th  dynasty  should  be  added 
on  the  one  hand  (perhaps  453  years,  as  in  Manetho), 
while,  on  the  other,  historical  monuments  date  only  from 
the  3rd  (or  1st  Memphite)  dynasty,  and  it  is  not  certain 
that  the  Thinite  kings  of  the  1st  and  2nd  dynasty,  as 
to  whom  we  have  only  mythical  tales,  may  not — if  they 
existed  at  all  —  have  been  contemporary  with  those  of 
Memphis. 

In  addition  to  the  two  copies  of  this  list  found  in  18 18 
and  1864,  by  Banks  and  Mariette,  we  have  the  Tablet  of 
Sakkara,  published  by  Mariette  in  1863,  and  the  tattered 
fragments  of  the  Turin  Papyrus,  acquired  by  Drovetti  in 
1818.  The  latter  gives,  where  it  is  not  torn,  not  only  the 
years  but  the  months  and  days  of  certain  reigns,  and  it 
was  probably  founded  on  ancient  records  ;  but  the  dates 
are,  unfortunately,  for  the  most  part  destroyed.  The  2nd 
dynasty  included  six  kings  according  to  the  Abydos  tablet, 
eight  according  to  the  Sakkara  text,  seven  according  to 
the  Turin  Papyrus,  or  nine  according  to  Manetho.  The 
monuments  give  five  kings  for  the  3rd  dynasty,  and 
Manetho  nine  kings ;  and  similar  discrepancies  occur 
throughout. 

The  text  of  Manetho,  as  partly  preserved  by  later 
writers,  is  hopelessly  corrupt.  The  summations  do  not 
agree  with  the  details,  and  some  of  the  reigns  are  of 
improbable  length.  Manetho  lived  in  the  third  century 
B.C.,  and  no  doubt  honestly  reported  what  was  then  known  ; 
but  we  have  no  attempts  at  history  earlier  than  the  list 
prepared  in  the  time  of  the  18th  dynasty,  and  the  Egyp- 
tian information,  as  to  kings  living  nearly  2000  years 
earlier,  is  not  likely  to  have  been  very  exact,  while  an- 
other thirteen  centuries  separates  this  period  from  the 
age  of  Manetho.  The  work  of  the  latter  has  perished,  or 
has  at  least  not  yet  been  recovered ;  and  the  extracts  of 
Josephus,  Eusebius,  Africanus,  and  George  the  Syncellus, 
between  the  first  and  ninth  centuries  a.d.,  conflict  with 
each  other,  and  may  themselves  have  suffered  from 
careless  copying.     The  statements  are  equally  discordant 


CHRONOLOGY. 


183 


with  those  of  the  Turin  Papyrus,  as  the  following  cases 
show  : — 


Turin 

Papyru 

>.                      Mane 

tho 

1st  dynasty 

Maribi 

reigned 

73  years               26  years. 

(Thinite) 

Samsu 

lf 

72      ' 

18       „ 

Kabhu 

,, 

83      1 

26 

, 

2nd  dynasty 

Bezau 

,, 

95      ' 

33 

, 

(Thinite) 

Binutri 

11 

95      1 

47 

1 

Senda 

tt 

74      1 

4i 

, 

Nefr  Kari  I. 

1, 

70      1 

25 

, 

3rd  dynasty 

Zazai 

„ 

37      1 

7 

, 

(Memphite) 

Nebkari 

11 

19      , 

17 

, 

Zozirsa 

,, 

19      1 

16 

, 

Teti  II. 

„ 

6      , 

*9 

1 

Nefr  Kari  II 

it 

6      , 

3° 

, 

4th  dynasty 

Senefru 

1, 

24      , 

29 

, 

(Memphite) 

Khufu 

n 

23      1 

66 

1 

It  is  clear  that  the  monumental  numbers  themselves 
are  unhistoric  for  this  early  period.  The  results  are  not 
more  satisfactory  in  later  dynasties.  Thus  we  have  the 
following  summations  : — 

Monumental.  Manetho. 

about  160  years 

IT  190  II 


5th  dynasty 
12th        11 


(Elephantine) 
(Theban) 


221  years. 
176      11 


We  have  likewise  the  following  discrepancies  in  Manetho  : — 

1st  dynasty.  Total  stated  at  253  years,  details  amount  to  263  years. 
4th       n  11  274      n  11  284       11 

5th       ,,  n  244       11  n  218       n 

14th       11  11  484       11  or  otherwise       184       n 

When  we  come  down  to  the  Greek  and  Persian  kings, 
where  chronology  is  actually  known,  we  find  Manetho 
half  a  century  wrong  in  his  dates — in  one  case  too  early, 
and  in  another  too  late.  With  such  a  mass  of  corrupted 
numerals  it  is  clear  that  we  can  only  obtain  a  very  rough 
result,  and  one  which  depends  on  whether  dynasties  were 
successive  or  contemporary. 

Of  the  1st  and  2nd  dynasties  there  are  no  monuments, 
while  a  pyramid  is  only  doubtfully  ascribed  to  the  3rd. 
Senefru,  founder  of  the  4th  dynasty,  is  the  first  king 
really  known  from  his  inscriptions  in  Sinai  and  in  Egypt, 
and  the  Elephantine  kings  of  the  5th  dynasty  have  also 


1 84  APPENDIX    I. 

left  remains,  while  the  6th  (Memphite)  family  was  an 
important  race  of  powerful  monarchs.  Those  which  suc- 
ceeded are  less  known  monumentally  till  we  reach  the 
1 2th  (Theban)  dynasty,  which  ruled  all  Egypt  and  Edom. 
Great  uncertainties  follow  after  this  till  the  rise  of  the 
1 8th  (Theban)  house  of  Ethiopians,  who  conquered  Syria  ; 
and  here  the  history  of  Egypt  becomes  full  and  important, 
though  its  chronology  can  only  be  roughly  checked  by 
aid  of  the  Babylonian.  The  Hyksos  rulers  appear  to 
have  been  in  Egypt  for  500  years,  probably  when  the 
13th  dynasty  was  ruling  the  south  from  Thebes  (for  453 
years  according  to  Manetho) ;  but  it  appears  to  be  doubt- 
ful whether  they  erected  any  monuments  as  yet  known. 

As  a  rough  approximation  the  following  may  perhaps  re- 
present the  actual  lapse  of  time  for  the  various  dynasties  : — 

Lower  Egypt.  Upper  Egypt. 

Memphite  3rd  dynasty  200  years.    Thinite  1st  dynasty  260  years. 


4th  ci  250 

6th  „  180 

8th  ,,  130 ] 

Heracleopolite  9th  n  400 

11  10th  11  200 


2nd 

Elephantine  5th 

Theban         nth 

11  12th 

13th 


300 

200 

50 

160 

45° 


Total        .         .     1360      11  Total        .         .     1420      n 

These  summations  are  (in  round  numbers)  those  of 
Manetho.  They  give  the  dynasties  enumerated  in  the 
Abydos  list,  adding,  however,  the  13th,  which  was  perhaps 
omitted  because  it  was  a  weak  dynasty,  confined  by  the 
Hyksos  to  Upper  Egypt.  In  the  first  760  years  the  centre 
of  power  lay  at  Memphis,  but  on  the  rise  of  Thebes  this 
power  was  replaced  by  petty  kings  in  the  Delta,  and  the 
great  12th  dynasty  furnished  suzerains  of  all  Egypt  for 
a  time.  The  smaller  local  dynasties  are  not  noticed  at 
Abydos,  and  appear  to  have  been  contemporary  with  the 
9th  and  10th  at  Heracleopolis,  and  with  the  13th  at 
Thebes.     These    included    the    14th   at    Xois    in    Lower 

1  The  7th  dynasty  of  seventy  kings  for  seventy  days  is  omitted 
(Memphite).  If  seventy  years  are  intended,  the  total  1430  is  within 
ten  years  of  that  for  Upper  Egypt. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


I85 


Egypt  (184  or  484  years),  the  Hyksos  of  the  15th  and 
17th  dynasties  at  Zoan  (together  amounting  to  435  years 
as  given  by  Manetho,  or  5 1 1  according  to  Tosephus) ; 
and  finally  the  "  Greek  shepherds  "  perhaps  at  Naucratis 
(stated  at  518  years).  This  period  no  doubt  followed  the 
decay  of  the  great  12  th  dynasty,  but  should  not  (on  the 
evidence  of  the  Abydos  list)  be  added  to  the  total  of 
years.  The  important  dates  which  would  result  if  we  take 
the  1 8th  dynasty  to  have  arisen  about  1700  B.C.  or  a  little 
later  are — 

B.C. 

The  era  of  Menes     .......  3100 

Beginning  of  12th  dynasty        .....  2300 

End  11  2150 

Rise  of  the  Hyksos  .......  2130 

Expulsion  of  the  Hyksos  .....  1700 

With  the  materials  available  a  closer  approximation  to 
Egyptian  history  is  probably  not  possible,  but  the  parallel- 
ism of  the  dynasties  does  not  appear  to  be  forbidden  by 
the  distribution  of  the  monuments,  when  we  remember 
that  Memphis  was  more  powerful  than  the  southern  king- 
dom for  some  700  years,  and  Thebes  more  powerful  than 
the  north  for  another  700  afterwards. 

The  following  are  the  chief  parallelisms  which  result 
in  history  from  the  calculations  above  made  : — 


BABYLONIA. 

ASSYRIA. 

PALESTINE. 

EGYPT. 

B.C. 

B.C. 

B.C. 

B.C. 

Sargina 

3800 

Menes 

3100 

Dungi  of  Ur 

2800 

Senefru 

2900 

Sumuabi 

2250 

Amememhat  I. 

2300 

Amraphel 

2139 

Abraham 

2140 

Hyksos 

2130 

Anman 

J957 

Joseph 

1950 

Pamkilisu 

1851 

Ismi-Dagon 

1850 

Kirgal 

1708 

Bel-Kapkapu 

1700 

Ahmes 

1700 

Kandis 

1589 

Assur-Nadinakhi 

1550 

Thothmes  III. 
Thothmes  IV. 

1600 
J546 

Exodus 

1520 

Amenophis  III. 

1500 

Kurigalzu  I. 

1470 

Conquest 

1480 

Burnaburias 

1440 

Assur-Uballid 

1435 

Amenophis  IV. 

J46S 

Shalmaneser  I. 

1320 

Barak 
Gideon 

1300 
1260 

Rameses  II. 
Mineptah 

1330 
1270 

Tiglath-Pileser  I. 

1 1 30 

Rameses  III. 

1200 

Irbamarduk 

1012 

Solomon 

1004 

Saamen 

1022 

186  APPENDIX    I. 

The  Babylonian  chronology  is  so  much  more  certain 
than  either  of  the  others,  for  this  period  before  iooo  B.C., 
that  they  must  be  compared  with  its  statements  as  a 
basis  ;  but  these  do  not  conflict  with  the  Hebrew  or  the 
Assyrian,  and  the  Egyption  may  be  reconciled  as  shown. 
If  Nabonidus  really  knew  the  date  of  Sargina,  it  would 
seem  that  civilisation  was  about  iooo  years  old  in  Chaldea 
before  any  known  monuments  had  been  built  by  the 
Pyramid  kings  of  Memphis,  and  all  Western  Asia  was 
ruled  from  Babylon  before  north  and  south  were  united 
in  a  consolidated  kingdom  in  Egypt. 


187 


APPENDIX    II. 


THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE. 


The  name  Akkadian  is  used  in  these  pages  to  signify  the 
northern  division  of  the  Mongol  race  of  Mesopotamia. 
The  word  is  explained  by  Assyrian  scribes  as  equivalent 
to  tilla,  "  high,"  and  probably  comes  from  the  root  aka, 
"  to  raise  "  :  it  is  explained  to  refer  to  mountain  regions 
such  as  Ararat.  It  was  also  the  name  of  a  city  in  Baby- 
lonia (Gen.  x.  10)  noticed  by  Nebuchadrezer  I.  about 
1 1 50  B.C.  (Abu  Habba  text),  probably  the  same  place  as 
Agade  of  which  Sargina  was  king.  The  term  Sumir,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  rendered  emecu,  probably  for  emeku 
(with  the  Koph),  "valley,"  and  mer  also  means  the  same, 
su  being  no  doubt  the  common  Mongol  word  for  "  stream." 
Lenormant  renders  it  "swamps,"  but  "  river  -  valley "  is 
more  probable.  That  it  has  any  connection  with  the 
name  of  Shinar  seems  improbable.  As  regards  the  rela- 
tive position  of  these  regions  they  are  clearly  explained : l 
"  The  south  is  Elam,  the  north  is  Akkad,  the  east  is 
Su  -  Edin  (perhaps  river  Eden)  and  Gutium  (probably 
Jebel  Judi),  the  west  is  the  land  of  Martu  ('  sunset ' 
Phoenicia)  "  ;  and  again,  "  south  of  Akkad,  north  of  Elam, 
east  of  Martu,  west  of  Su-Edin  and  of  Gutium."  This 
leaves  the  river-valley  for  Sumir. 

The    elements    of    the    Akkadian    or    Sumerian    lan- 
guage   are    explained    in    the   bilingual   texts   by  Semitic 

1  See  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  February  18S3,  p.  74. 


IS8  APPENDIX    II. 

scribes.1      The   following  is  a   comparison   of  the   noun 
suffixes  of  various  dialects,  including  the  Hittite  : — 


Akkadian. 

MlNYAN. 

Hittite. 

Turkish. 

I. 

Nom.  definite 

-bi 

-Pi 

•pi 

the 

2. 

Norn,  indefinite 

-s 

•S 

•s 

a 

3- 

Possessive 

-na 

-11  a 

■lit' 

-11 

of 

4- 

Locative 

-ta 

•ta 

•da 

-de 

at 

5- 

Dative  (1) 

-a 

-a 

-a 

■a 

to 

6. 

Dative  (2) 

-ga 

-ka 

•ga 

to 

7- 

Accusative 

-e 

-e 

-e 

-e 

Ace. 

8. 

Instrumental 

-li 

-li 

-li 

-li 

by 

9- 

Comitative 

-la 

-allan 

-lu 

-ailan 

with 

IO. 

Causative 

-kn 

-ku 

-ko 

-ichun 

for 

i  r. 

Comparative 

-dim 

-tint 

-tim 

-tin 

as 

12. 

Ablative 

-ta 

•dan 

-da 

•den 

from 

13- 

Locative 

-sa 

-sa 

-sa 

in 

14. 

Relative 

■ra 

-ra 

•ra 

ara 

towa 

Among  the  most  important  words  which  may  be  com- 
pared with  pure  Turkish  of  Central  Asia  (especially  the 
Yakut  dialect  in  the  north)  are  the  following,  out  of  more 
than  300  given  in  the  paper  cited  in  the  note  : — 


Akkadian. 

Turkish. 

Meaning. 

Hittite. 

Akharra 

Akhara 

grey 

Ago, 

Agha 

chief 

Am  ta 

Em 

ill 

A  ns 

A  us 

opening 

Bat 

Bot 

fortress 

Pakh,  Pak 

Bogh 

prince 

Bakh 

Pal 

Beil 

axe 

Pal 

Pal 

Beyil 

year 

Pal 

Pa 

Bai 

a  spell 

Par 

Bor 

white 

Bar 

Bar 

live 

Bar 

Pis 

Bis 

birth 

Pis 

Dara 

Tor 

god 

Tar 

Dim 

Dem 

ghost 

Dim 

Tim 

peace 

Tim 

Te?n 

bond 

Tim 

Dimirsa 

Timir 

iron 

Dingir 

Tengri 

god 

Turn 

Tamu 

hell 

Tur 

Tore 

chief 

Tar 

Khan,  Kan 

Khan,  Kan 

prince 

Khilib 

Chelep 

god 

Khilib 

Khir 

Khir 

engrave 

Khir 

1  See  my  paper,  "  Notes  on  Akkadian."  'Journal  of  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,'  October  1S93. 


THE   AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE. 


189 


Akkadian. 

Turkish. 

Meaning. 

HlTTITE 

E 

Ev 

house 

lb 

lb 

cord 

lb 

Idu 

Yida 

month 

Yede 

Im 

Im 

sunset 

Eri 

Er 

man 

Eri 

Erim 

Eren 

hero 

Izik 

Izik 

door 

Gab 

Khab 

rejoice 

Gam 

Jam 

bend 

Gam 

Kar 

Kir 

field 

Gar 

Khari 

cubit 

Gar 

Kara// 

stomach 

Kiel  (fern.) 

Gul 

slave 

Guk 

Kok 

blue 

Gug 

Koch 

ram 

G/t? 

A  it  m 

Kom 

top 

Kit  111 

Kumas 

Ko  11 1  its 

silver 

Makh 

Makh 

great 

Makh 

Man 

Manap 

chief 

Man 

Sakh 

Sakh 

good 

Sakh 

Sar 

Syir 

write 

Sir 

Sikh 

Atikh 

a  bear 

Su 

Sit 

flow- 

Unu 

Unnc 

abode 

Unit 

Uru 

A  urn 

town 

Uru 

Us 

Es 

basis 

Us 

The  Hittite  words  are  taken  from  the  Akkadian,  but  the 
sounds  are  in  some  cases  otherwise  confirmed  by  their 
occurrence,  as  will  appear  later. 

The  leading  peculiarities  of  Akkadian  grammar  are  as 
follow.  Just  as  in  Turkish,  the  noun  has  no  gender,  and 
the  cases  above  given  apply  to  all  alike.  The  harmonic 
law  is  the  same  in  both  languages,  and  is  briefly  a  natural 
euphony  by  which  strong  roots  have  strong  suffixes  and 
weak  roots  weak  suffixes.  The  commonest  derivatives 
from  the  roots  are — 

Akkadian.     Minyan.    Medic.1    Hittite.    Turkish. 
Abstract  noun 

Verbal  noun 
Verbal  adjective 
Adjective 
Noun  of  action 

Present  participle  act. 
Past  participle  pass. 


-ma 

-da 
-ik 
-ga 
-ra 
-ra 
-la 
■In 
-ga 


■ma 

-da 

-k 

-ga 

-ra 

-ra 

-la  11 
-ka,  -kha 


-ma 

-da 

-k 

-ka 

-ra 

-ra 


-ma 

-da 

■k 

-ka 

-ra 

-ra 

-In: 

-lit 

-$~a 


•m 

-it 

-k 

-kei 

-r 

-r 

-I 

-li 


1  The  "  third  lan^uaafe  "  of  Behistun. 


190 


APPENDIX    II. 


The  plural  is  either  me  or  ne  in  these  languages,  and 
it  follows  the  base  of  the  noun,  preceding  the  case  suf- 
fixes. There  are  prefixes  like  nam,  condition  ;  sak,  state, 
txrc.  (si,  before,  is  also  a  prefix),  which  form  compounds 
and  abstract  nouns.  The  adjective  follows  the  noun  in 
the  ancient  dialects,  though  in  Turkish  and  other  modern 
Mongol  languages  it  precedes.  It  agrees  in  number  ;  and 
the  case  is  often  the  syllable  following  a  string  of  nouns 
and  adjectives  forming  a  "  packet,"  and  is  not  separately 
applied  to  each,  this  being  a  Mongolic  feature  of  grammar. 
The  verb  has  very  little  distinction  of  tense,  the  Baby- 
lonian grammarians  apparently  only  noting  the  present, 
formed  by  adding  e  to  the  root,  which  is  the  past  or 
the  imperative.  The  pronouns  precede  the  verb,  while 
the  possessive  follow  the  noun  :  they  are  as  follows  : — 


Akkadian. 

MlNYAN. 

I,  me,  my 

mu  vu 

u  -mu 

Thou,  thee, 

thy 

zu  za 

zu  -ti 

He,  him,  his 

na  sa 

na  sa 

Him 

-ir 

-ir 

We,  us,  our 

UIICIIC 

You,  your 

zunene 

They,  them, 

their 

nene  bi 

bi 

This 

ma  a 

imma  au  a 

That 

na 

na 

This 

ba 

bit 

Who,  what 

khu  kha  khi 

khu  kha  khai 

Which 

abbi  icbbi  pi 

Same 

su  sa 

su 

Medic. 


u  -mo 
zu{?)  -ti 
ne  sa  (?) 


nene  bi 


Who 


ka 


akka 


bu 

khu  khi 
uppi  itppa  pi 

ak  akkc 


These  pronouns  have  no  gender,  and  apply  to  feminine 
and  neuter  as  well.  In  Medic  (or  so-called  Proto-Medic), 
and  in  Minyan,  an  emphatic  possessive  is  made  by  prefix- 
ing the  pronoun  to  a  noun,  and  this  seems  to  occur  in 
Hittite  also.  The  moods  of  the  verb  are  formed  by  pre- 
fixed syllables,  not  by  suffixes  as  in  the  modern  dialects, 
such  as  tan,  compel ;  khe  or  gan,  let ;  /nan,  made.  Thus 
in  Tarkhundara's  Hittite  letter  we  find  khu-man,  "  may  it 
be  caused,"  as  in  Akkadian,  which  was  the  first  clear  case 
of  comparison  between  the  languages,  noticed  by  Dr 
Winckler  in  1887,  after  my  first  publication  on  the  sub- 


THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  191 

ject.  The  passive  is  formed  in  Minyan,  and  apparently 
in  Hittite,  by  adding  il  or  al  to  the  root,  like  the  Turkish 
il.  There  is  also  in  Minyan  and  Medic  a  participle, 
-man ;  and  the  reciprocal  -manlu,  "  jointly,"  occurs  in 
Medic  and  in  Hittite  as  well  as  in  Minyan.  The  latter 
appears  to  have  -sa  for  the  present,  -ta  for  the  past,  of  the 
third  person  singular  of  the  active  voice,  and  -sena,  which 
is  the  Medic  -sue,  for  the  same  person  precative.  In  these 
two  languages  the  second  person  singular  imperative  ends 
in  -s.  Participial  forms  are  much  used  ;  and  the  older 
dialects  —  Sumerian  and  Hittite — have  generally  a  less 
developed  grammar,  especially  for  the  verb,  than  have  the 
later  Minyan  and  Medic.  In  Minyan  there  is  a  verb 
substantive  ai,  as  in  Turkish,  which  may  exist  in  Hittite, 
but  the  commonest  verb  for  "  be  "  or  "  exist "  in  Hittite 
is  bar,  as  in  Turkish.  Causatives  are  found  also  in  pe 
and  ib  in  all  these  dialects. 

The  syntax  is  also  the  same  in  all.  The  order  is  object, 
subject,  verb.  When  a  noun  is  defined  by  another,  the 
defining  noun  may  either  precede  without  suffix  or  follow 
with  a  suffix.  So  in  Sumerian  we  have  Is-tar,  "  Light- 
Lord,"  and  Dam-ki-na,  "  Lady-earth-of."  In  Hittite  we 
have,  Kheta-sar,  "  Hittite-lord  " ;  Tar-kon,  "Tribe-chief"; 
and  Is-gar  Raba,  "  Isgar's-slave."  The  former  of  these 
constructions  distinguishes  the  Mongol  from  the  Semitic 
languages,  where  the  proper  construction  is  the  reverse, 
as  Bel-matati,  "  Lord  (of)  lands."  The  Aryan  syntax, 
however,  agrees  in  this  point  with  the  Mongolic,  but  not 
in  other  peculiarities.  In  Sumerian  we  have  cases  where 
the  construction  seems  more  like  the  Semitic,  as  in  Mul- 
///,  generally  supposed  to  mean  "  Lord  (of)  ghosts."  This 
may,  however,  be  due  to  the  determinatives  being  always 
prefixed,  as,  for  instance,  Gal-lu,  which  was  read  Ln-gal, 
"man-great" — the  adjective  always  following  its  noun. 

The  intimate  connection  of  the  Hittite  with  the  other 
Mongol  known  dialects  will  be  apparent  from  these  and 
future  considerations. 

The  Minyan,  or  language  of  Mitanni,  may  be  best  illus- 


192  APPENDIX    II. 

trated  by  the  more  important  passages  of  Dusratta's  long 
letter.  The  number  of  personal  names  (marked  by  the 
determinative)  occurring  in  various  cases  formed  one  of 
the  first  clear  indications  of  the  character  of  this  language. 
An  interlinear  translation  will  explain  the  grammatical 
peculiarities.  Many  of  the  words  which  are  syllabically 
spelt  are  Akkadian,  and  some  are  Hittite.  They  present 
for  our  use  a  vocabulary  of  some  400  Mongol  terms  of 
great  value  for  comparative  study.1 

III.  92-94.     Nimmurias      KUR    Misripinis    ipris    tase      ab    sutta    a 

Amenophis  III.   D.P.       Egyptian     lord  (?)  as     home  far     it 

NU-mansa     URU    Ikhibeni     URU  Simigini      epi     nie   man  u 
is  ruling         D.P.     Ikhiben      city    Simigis  of  which      it       is      I 

NU-mansa. 
rule. 

IV.  10,  11.     Senippi    tie    nie  en       Nuukha-ti     .     .     .       nuukhamanlu 

Brother    me    it    so     province   thy   (to  be)       ruled  jointly 

be       Kliepia  -  tilan       zuga    Esippias      dan      api         adduga. 
making,       to  whom  all  known,  a  prince     great  whom  you  named 

VII.  35-38.     Pazadu    Paza  Manienan    Senippi    ue    passidkhi  pazadu 
Besides     also       Menes      brother's  my      envoy      besides 

paza  Gilianan      Artessupana?i  Asalin  ?iaan  passidkhippi  Gilianan 
also     Gilias  (and)  Artessupas    Asalis     he      the  envoy     of  Gilias 

talami      Asalin  naan  dubsarippi  u  pasani    ki    bit         SU-ii 
interpreter  Asalis  of  him  the  scribe  I  also  him  as  this  writing  my 

ussi         Senippi      da-allan  niirusae         tissan     passusa-H 

knowing  brother's  speech  with  to  make  clear?  quickly  my  chief  (?) 

Senippi-it      ullan         pirieta. 
my  brother  willingly  I  have  sent. 

X.  5-7.     Atinin   maanni       I     imma  maian  ii        u        Khalki    ma-na 

This  of  not  is  it   clear   this      made    I   for  me    Chalcis    land  of 

sue-ni        Kfia?-ru       MI  KUR  SAR  Minian    it       «         Khalki 
peoples   Phoenicians  west   land    king    Minyan    I  for  me  Chalcis 

ma-na    sue-ni     gamma,  as  ria-anni  KUR  SAR    Mini 

land  of  peoples  conquered  whatever  servant  its  land    king  Minyan 

Senippi     tie         GIZ       astis. 
brother  for  me  a  record  grant. 

XI.  73.      KUR      SAR     Minima      sa     piriasa       Khiarukha        attan 

Of  land    king      Minyan     she     is  sent     to  be  wedded    going 


1  See  my  translation,  'Journal  of  Royal  Asiatic  Soc.,'  October  1892. 


THE   AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  193 

temanna     Senippius  gipanu    en  pipulli        lipippi  sakku 

being  given  brother's  papyrus  as    causes  the  message  settlement 

taa  na   asti  en. 
so  its  desiring. 

XII.   103-107.      SAL      Tadukhcpa-  an    ma-anni  Dusratta   api     KUR 
Woman  Tadukhepa  she  is  it  not   Dusratta  who  of  land 

SAR  Mittannipi    ipripi  Immuriasi       KUR  Miziripi  ni  epi 

king    Mitannian  the  ruler  Amenophis  III.    land     Egypt    of  who 

ipripi     astinna        antsa        a         asse        I  miliarias      -       sd-an 
the  ruler  desiring  this  thing  in  it  consenting  Amenophis  III.  son  of 

zalam-si    taa      sa       khiamtka    nakkasa  Dusratta      api    ma?igie 
publicly  (?)  so   of  him    wedded      is  made  Dusratta   which   reply 

nuusa  taa    tarasise. 
orders  so  disposing. 

XII.    117  -  119.      Scnippi/is    KUR   Masrianni   KUR    SAR    Miniene 
My  brother    land       Egypt  of      land      king      Minians 

Khakhaniene  Nuutiene     sugganiman        sucni      rabippia     etitan 
princes  ruling     having  satisfied  peoples  to  service  reduced 

A     betiiman    guru  kharammaman. 
I  cause  speak    all      that  is  written. 

These  main  passages,  in  a  very  prolix  and  compli- 
mentary epistle,  give  good  instances  of  construction,  of 
the  "harmony"  of  suffixes,  and  of  other  points  above 
mentioned.  Historically  they  show  the  conquests  claimed 
by  Dusratta  in  Phoenicia,  and  the  subsequent  marriage  of 
his  daughter  to  Amenophis  IV.  One  other  passage  refers 
to  the  Hittites,  who  had  aided  his  brother  Artasumara, 
and  whom  he  defeated,  as  is  described  in  one  of  his 
letters  written  in  Assyrian  : — 

X.    16,   18.      IM       bu     u    US  kha  mania    ft    Khatti    via    an      danga 
Region  this    I      ruled  jointly       I    Hittite   land    of    powerful 

Esippias    dan      man     NU     ukka     tila?i    api      latakha      Senippi 
prince    great  being  chief  people  all  of  who  conquered  brother 

fta       allan     URU  Kharranu  sa  a      ussena        IM    paza    NU 
to  me  holding    city       Harran     in  it  let  extend  region  also    chief 

sa  a    ullaman   pirieta  -  allan. 
in  it  consenting  having  been  sent. 

Translated  into  the  syntax  of  the  reader's  language, 
the  passages  mean  :  "  As  Amenophis  III.  lord  of  Egypt 
rules  his  far-off  home,  I  rule  the  city  of  Ikhibin,  the  city 
of  the  [god]  Simigis."     "  So,  brother,  causing  me  to  rule 

N 


T94  APPENDIX    II. 

jointly  all  thy  province,  being  known  there  to  all  as  a 
prince  whom  you  have  named."  "  Besides  Menes  my 
brother's  envoy,  and  Gilias  [and]  Artessupas,  Asalis  the 
envoy,  the  interpreter  of  Gilias,  Asalis  the  scribe,  I  have 
also  willingly  sent,  as  my  [chief?]  brother  knows  how  to 
explain  quickly  this  my  writing  by  my  brother's  language." 
"  Is  not  this  clearly  it?  I  having  conquered  for  myself  the 
peoples  [su,  Turkish  so/,  Akkadian  su,  '  race ']  of  the  land 
of  Chalcis  ['  the  fortress '  near  Aleppo],  the  Phcenicians 
west  of  the  Minyan  kingdom,  grant  me,  brother,  a  recog- 
nition that  whatever  people  of  the  land  of  Chalcis  are 
subject  to  the  Minyan  kingdom  are  mine."  "  She  is  sent 
by  the  Minyan  kingdom,  being  surrendered,  going  to  be 
wedded,  as  my  brother's  letter  causes  to  be  done,  the 
message  desiring  such  a  fulfilment."  "Is  it  not  this? 
Tadukhepa  is  to  be  wedded  by  the  son  of  Amenophis  III.; 
Dusratta,  who  is  ruler  of  the  land  of  Mitanni,  consenting 
to  the  wish  therein  of  Amenophis  III.,  who  is  ruler  of 
Egypt.  Which  reply  Dusratta  orders,  so  arranging." 
"  My  brother  of  Egypt  having  satisfied  the  Khakhans 
ruling  the  Minyans  of  the  kingdom,  the  people  being 
reduced  to  submission,  I  have  caused  all  that  is  written 
to  be  said."  "  I  having  jointly  ruled  this  region,  I  being 
suzerain  of  the  power  of  the  Hittite  land,  chief  of  all  the 
conquered  peoples,  let  my  possession,  brother,  extend  to 
the  city  of  Harran,  a  chief  also  being  sent  into  the  region 
by  its  consent." 

As  regards  the  Kassite  language,  we  are  less  fully 
informed  from  any  cuneiform  documents ;  but  lists  of 
Kassite  names  translated  into  Babylonian  exist,  and  are 
sufficient  to  determine  the  Mongol  character  of  the 
dialect  which  has  been  very  generally  admitted.  The 
most  interesting  of  these  names  is  that  of  'Ammurabi  or 
'Ammurabil,  which  is  rendered  Kimti  rapastu,  "  my  family 
is  large."  It  must  be  remembered  that  while  many  names 
of  tribal  chiefs  are  merely  titles  and  not  really  personal 
names,  those  of  the  Kassite  kings  are  not  usually  of  this 
character.     Names  in  the  East  are  founded  to  a  areat 


THE   AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  195 

extent  on  some  pious  expression  of  the  father  or  mother 
at  the  time  of  the  child's  birth,  or  even  on  some  simpler 
remark  caused  by  circumstances.  Thus  among  the 
Bedawin,  one  child  was  named  Makhadah  because  born 
at  the  river  "  ford,"  another  Ycrbda  from  a  jerboa  seen 
beside  the  tent  at  the  moment.  In  the  Bible  we  have 
such  names  as  Benoni,  "  son  of  my  sorrow  "  (on  account 
of  Rachel's  death),  and  Ichabod,  "no  glory"  (because  of 
the  defeat  of  Israel  at  the  time  of  the  child's  birth),  while 
the  gratitude  of  parents  is  shown  by  such  titles  as  Bel- 
nirari,  "  Baal  is  my  helper."  The  name  of  'Ammurabi  in 
like  manner  may  either  signify  an  increase  to  the  family, 
or  might  be  a  title  taken  later  when  the  conqueror  had 
enlarged  his  border.  It  is  evidently  the  Mongol  Am- 
mu-ra-bi  ("Tribe-my-spread-makes "),  or  Am-mu-ra-bil 
("Tribe-my-spread-is-made),  agreeing  with  the  Babylonian 
explanation.  Similar  translations  are  given  x  for  twenty- 
four  other  names,  including  those  of  the  kings  of  the 
2nd  dynasty,  as  follows,  with  others  which  are  earlier  : — 

1.  [Iski]  pal,  "  Subduing  the  enemy's  land."     Is,  master;  kz, 

place;  pal,  rebellious. 

2.  [Gul    ki]    sar,   "  One  who    makes    multitudes    subject." 

Gulki,  to  many ;  sar,  lord. 

3.  Aa  [dara]  gi  ma,2  "  Son  of  Ea  [lord]  of  lands."     Aa,  son  ; 

Dara,  to  Ea  (Dara  being  one  of  the  titles  of  Ea) ;  gi- 
ma,  here  on  earth. 

4.  A  kurul  an  na,3  "  Son  of  the  lord  of  the  herald  of  heaven." 

A,  son  ;  kur,  dawn  ;  til,  star  ;  aft,  god  ;  na,  of — "  Son  of 
the  god  of  the  morning  star." 

5.  Sar  gin  na,  "  King  established."    Sar,  king ;  ginna,  made. 

This  is  not  spelt  the  same  way  as  Sargina,  "king  of 
earth." 

6.  Ku  bau,   "Bau  is  bright"  (or  "holy"),  kit,  shining   or 

silver.  "  Bau  of  what  is  bright."  The  name  may  be 
Ur-ban,  as  ur  also  means  "  light,"  but  the  translator 
probably  misunderstood  the  meaning. 


1  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  January  1SS1,  and  '  Records  of  the  Past 
t(New  Series),  vol.  i.  p.  32. 

2  Called  for  short  Adara. 

3  Called  for  short  Akitrid  in  another  tablet. 


196  APPENDIX    II. 

7.  Ammi-zadugga,  "The  family  is  established."    A  mini,  tribe 

(Turkish  am,  aim)  ;  zadugga,  set  firm. 

8.  Kurgalzu,  "  Leader  be   thou."     Kur,  lord ;  gal,  great ; 

zic,  thou  ("art"  understood). 

9.  Simmas-sikhu,  "  Offspring  of  Marduk."     Simmas,  a  seed ; 

sikhu  (or  perhaps,  as  otherwise  rendered,  sipak),  of  the 

good  one  (szkh  and  sop  both  meaning  "good"). 
10.  Ulam  burias,  "Offspring  of  the  lord  of  lands."     Ulam 

(Turkish  ulan),  child  ;  Buria,  to  Buri  (the  Kassite  god, 

perhaps  the  Akkadian  god  Bar,  the  living  one) ;  as,  he 

("  is"  understood), 
ir.  Meli    sikhu,  "  Man   of  Marduk"  (see  No.  9).     Meli  is 

probably,  like  the  Akkadian  mal  or  val,  connected  with 

the  root  id,  to  be  (Turkish  ol). 

12.  Nazi-urutas,  "  Shadow  of  Adar."     The  Sultan  is  so  called 

"Shadow  of  God"  to  the  present  day.  Apparently 
Nazi,  shadow ;  nru,  shining  one  ;  ta,  from ;  as,  he 
(is). 

13.  Burna   burtas   (see  No.    10),  "  Relative  of  the   lord   of 

lands."  Bur,  people ;  na,  of ;  Buria,  to  Buri ;  as,  he 
(is). 

14.  Karaen  Kit,  "  Empowered  by  the  Sun."     Kara,  doing ; 

en,  as ;  Kit,  Sun.  Perhaps  another  way  of  writing  the 
name  Kara  indas :  Kara,  working  or  worker;  in,  the 
sun  ;  da,  from  ;  as,  he  (is). 

15.  Ulam  uru  us,  "Offspring  of  Bel"  (see  No.  10).      Ulam, 

child  ;  uru,  of  the  shiner ;  us,  man,  or  kin,  or  he. 

16.  Meli  Khali,  "Man  of  the  great  goddess"  (see  No.  11). 

Meli,  man  (or  creation) ;  kha,  princess  ;  //,  by. 

17.  Meli    sumu,    "  Man    of    power."      Meli,    man  ;     sumit, 

powerful. 

18.  Meli  sibarru,1  "  Man  of  the  glorious  one."     Meli,  man  ; 

si,  appearance;  bar,  shining;  ru,  for. 

19.  Meli  Kit,  "Man  of  the  Sun."     Meli,  man  ;  Kita,  to  Sun. 

20.  Nimgirabi  Kit,  "  Merciful  is  the  Sun-god."     Nimgirabi, 

one  considerate  ;  Kit,  the  Sun-god  (is). 

21.  Nimgirabi  Burias,  "Merciful  is  the  lord  of  lands"  (see 

No  20),  but  apparently  it  means  "worshipper  of 
Buri." 

22.  Kara  Burias  (see   No.  14),  "Empowered  by  Buri  he" 

(is). 

23.  Kara  Kit  (see  No.  14  and  No.  19). 

24.  Nazi  burias  (see  No.  12  and  No.  10). 

These  translations  appear  to  show  that  the  Kassite  lan- 
1  Sibar  is  preceded  by  the  sign  for  deity. 


THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  197 

guage  was  closely  akin  to  the  Sumerian  and  Minyan,  and 
they  aid  us  with  Hittite  names. 

The  names  of  Hittites  noticed  in  Egyptian  and  Assyrian 
records  have  long  been  known  to  be  non-Semitic.  By  aid 
of  the  preceding  they  can  with  seme  certainty  be  rendered 
as  Mongol,  and  they  certainly  do  not  recall  Aryan  names. 
Those  noticed  by  the  Egyptians  include  : — 

1.  Aakitasebu.     Apparently  aa,  son,  Kit,  the  Sun;  a,  him; 

sebu,  favouring,  or  "Favoured  child  of  the  Sun." 

2.  Akama.     From  aka,  to  raise,  meaning  exaltation,  majesty. 

3.  Kamais.     Probably  "  conqueror,"  from  gam,  to  conquer. 

4.  Karbatus  for  Karabatus.     Kara,  one  empowered  ;   bat, 

securely  ;  us,  he  (is). 

5.  Kauisira  from  kid,  all  (in  accusative) ;  sira,  commanding. 

6.  Khelep  -  sar,   "Lord   of  Aleppo"  (compare  Kheta  Sar 

above). 

7.  Khir-basar,  "  Of  writing  the  master."     (He  was  a  scribe, 

as  stated  in  the  Egyptian  text). 

8.  Mas-rima  from  Mas,  a  spirit ;  ri,  service  ;  ma,  making — 

a  "  servant  of  God." 

9.  Maura -sar   from  muru,  place  (in  dative);    sar,  lord — 

"Lord  to  the  place." 

10.  Mote-nar.     Perhaps  mil,  throne;  te,  on;  nar,  king. 

11.  Mo-tur,  "  Son  of  the  throne." 

12.  Nazira.     Perhaps  "  His  [i.e.,  God's]  shadow"  (see  No.  12, 

Kassite  list). 

13.  Peis,  from  pas,  to  lead.     Also  transliterated  Paz. 

14.  Samaritas  from   Sam,  the   name  of  a  deity  (as  in  the 

Kassite  name  Sam  -  suiluna,  "a  man  of  the  race  of 
Sam);  ri  servant;  as,  he — "He  who  has  served  (rita) 
Sam." 

15.  Sap-lel.     Probably  "  Lord  of  all";    from  sap  (Akkadian 

sib),  a  gathering,  and  /t7  (Akkadian  /a/a),  ruling. 

16.  Sap-sar  (see  No.  15),  "  King  of  multitudes." 

17.  Tarkananas,  "  High  chief"  (Turkish  Tar/can  and  on). 

18.  Tarkatasas.     Perhaps  "  Chief  in  Kadesh." 

19.  Tartisebu.     Perhaps  "  Lord  of  justice  ;  from  tart,  judg- 

ment, and  esepu,  chief  (Akkadian  and  Minyan). 

20.  Tatar  or  Tatil.     The  root  tat  signifies  "firm."     Other- 

wise rendered  Totar. 

21.  Zuazas  or  Zuzase.     Perhaps  means  "given"  ;  from  zu,  to 

give — that  is  to  say,  "  given  by  God." 

22.  Rab-sunna  or  Lab-sunna.     The  Egyptian  language  does 

not  distinguish  /  from  r.     Labsunna  might  mean  "  hero 


198  APPENDIX    II. 

of  battle"  ;  from  lab  (as  in  Turkish),  a  brave  man,  and 
sun,  battle,  defeat  (Akkadian  :  like  the  Turkish  syin)  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  rab  signifies  "servant"  in  Hittite 
and  in  Akkadian,  and  Sun7ia  may  be  for  Sumu-na,  "of 
Sumu,"  who  was  a  Kassite  god.  The  name  of  Sumu 
is  represented  in  the  Babylonian  translation  by  Suka- 
tnuna,  apparently  "  he  who  consumes  us,"  and  this 
again  is  rendered  by  Kittum,  perhaps  the  sun,  or  if  a 
Semitic  word,  "the  overwhelmer"  :  sun,  to  defeat  or 
destroy  (in  Akkadian),  and  sum,  to  make  an  end  (in  Ak- 
kadian), with  the  Turkish  sou,  end,  may  be  compared. 
This  deity  seems  therefore  to  be  Rimmon,  the  god  of 
Storms. 

The  Egyptian  transliteration  is  unfortunately  not  quite 
certain,  since  there  are  differences  between  experts  as  to 
vowel  sounds,  while  /  and  d,  the  sibilants,  and  /  and  r, 
are  indefinitely  represented  by  the  hieroglyphic  alphabet. 
The  general  result,  however,  is  confirmed  by  the  names 
mentioned  in  Assyrian  records,  and  in  other  docu- 
ments : — 

23.  Tarkhundara,  whose  letter  (No.  10,  Berlin  Collection)  is 

found  in  the  Tell  Amarna  Collection.  Probably  means 
only  "ruling  chief." 

24.  Tarkontimme   or   Tarkudimme.      Perhaps   "Prince    of 

Peace,"  "  Peaceful  chief."  Akkadian  dim,  Turkish  tint, 
peace,  quiet.  Dr  Sayce  has  suggested  that  Tarku  was 
the  name  of  a  god,  and  this  is  supported  by  the  deter- 
minative {AN)  which  precedes  the  word  in  the  name 
of  Tarkutimme  as  found  on  a  Cappadocian  text.  Tar 
and  tur  (Turkish  tore)  signify  both  "chief"  and  also 
"god" — that  is  to  say,  in  both  cases  "the  judge"  ;  and 
Tarku  may  have  had  the  same  double  meaning.  If  this 
is  the  case,  Tarkudimme  would  mean  "God-created." 

25.  Bakhian,  king  of  Carchemish  about  1 130  B.C.     His  name 

may  be  connected  with  the  Akkadian  fiakh  and  Turkish 
bogh,  prince. 

26.  Sangara.     Another   Hittite  king  of   Carchemish   of  the 

same  period.  The  name  also  occurs  again  in  857 
B.C.,  and  was  apparently  dynastic.  It  may  mean  "  the 
noble."  Turkish  sail,  sang,  noble,  with  the  termination 
either  ra,  man,  or  ra  for  the  adjective  suffix. 

27.  Pisiris.     A  Hittite  king  of  Carchemish  in  738  B.C.     The 

Turkish  bisir  for  a  "rich  man  "  might  be  compared. 


THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  199 

In  addition,  we  have  names  of  the  same  class  among 
the  neighbouring  tribes — viz. : 

28.  Tarkulara,  chief  of  the  Gamgums  in  738  B.C.,  while  in 

711  B.C.  the  name  is  spelt  Tarkhnlara.  The  first  word 
is  common,  and  lar  is  rendered  bel,  master,  in  Baby- 
lonian, and  is  an  Akkadian  word.  It  is  the  same  as  the 
Etruscan  lar  for  "chief"  and  for  "  deity,"  whence  the 
Latin  lares.  The  name  would  mean  only  "ruling 
chief." 

29.  Girparunda  or  Girparuda  is  the  name  of  a  chief  of 

Gamgums  and  of  another  of  the  Khattinai  chiefs  in 
854  B.C.  Compare  Nos.  20,  21,  of  the  Kassite  list.  Gir, 
to  regard  or  worship  ;  bar,  the  name  of  a  deity  (as 
before  mentioned)  ;  un,  God  or  Lord  ;  da,  at  or  to — 
"Worshipper  of  the  living  God." 

30.  Lubarna,  "Man  of  the  god  Bar,"  a  chief's  name  in  1130 

and  854  B.C.  among  the  Khattinai.  Lu  is  Akkadian 
for  "  man,"  and  occurs  in  Finnish  also.  On  the  other 
hand,  labar  is  explained  in  Babylonian  to  mean  "  ser- 
vant"— Labarna,  his  servant. 

31.  Tarkhunazi,  of  Malatiya  in  712  B.C.  (see  No.  24),  "Sha- 

dow of  God."  Other  names  might  be  added,  such  as 
the  Minyan  Sut-tama,  "  Set  (is)  his  lord."  Some  of 
the  above  names  are  clearly  personal ;  others,  especially 
in  the  Egyptian  records,  are  only  royal  titles.  The 
Minyan  names  in  the  Tell  Amarna  correspondence 
include  Pirklii,  "warrior"  ;  Masepalali,  perhaps  "God 
has  given  a  son";  Tunepripi,  "the  servant  of  the 
Almighty";  Nakliramassi,  perhaps  "resting  in  God" 
(nakh  is  rendered  in  Assyrian  pasakli);  Artaswnara, 
"  worshipper  of  Sumu  "  ;  Artatan,  "  worshipper  of  Tat " 
(perhaps  Dad,  "  father,"  a  name  of  the  god  Rimmon) ; 
Asali's,  "  desired  "  (Akkadian  as,  Turkish  as,  wish,  with 
the  passive  suffix);  Artessupas,  "  worshipper  of  Tessub," 
known  as  an  Akkadian  name  of  Rimmon  ;  Dusratta, 
possibly  "  victor  chief,"  from  dies  (Akkadian  fas,  Turkish 
tits,  to  contend),  r,  the  suffix  of  the  verbal  noun ;  and 
atta,  chief  (Turkish  and  Akkadian) ;  Gilias,  probably 
"the  illustrious"  ;  Sitatama,  perhaps  from  Set,  with  at, 
father,  and  am,  race — one  of  the  family  descended  from 
Set.  The  names  of  women  include  Yuni,  wife  of  Dus- 
ratta, perhaps  "little  one";  Gilitkliepa  (his  sister),  "all 
glorious";  and  Tadukhepa  (his  daughter),  "all  sweet." 
Finally,  we  have  other  names,  such  as  Mutalli  of  the 
Gamgums  ("  the  Creator  has  given  ") ;   Dadilu  of  the 


200  APPENDIX    II. 

Kaska  ("exalting  Rimmon  ") ;  Sulumal  ("ruler  of  the 
land")  of  Malatiya;  Urik  ("heroic");  Tulka  ("ex- 
alted") ;  Kati  ("  lucky")  ;  Kirri  ("worshipper")  of  the 
Guai ;  Sapalulmi  (see  No.  15  of  the  Egyptian  list), 
probably  "  ruling  multitudes" — a  chief  of  the  Khattinai ; 
Vassurmi  ofTabal,  Mutallu  and  Katazilu  among  the 
chiefs  of  Commagene  in  708  and  857  B.C.  respectively, 
and  Kundaspi  in  854,  Kttstaspi  in  727  B.C.,  which  two 
latter  might  be  Aryan.  The  nationality  of  Ahunu,  son 
of  Adini,  is  not  clear,  while  all  the  Samalla  and  Hama- 
thite  names  appear  to  be  Semitic. 

We  have  thus  examined  all  that  remains  to  us  indicat- 
ing the  language  of  Hittites,  Kassites,  and  other  early 
tribes  of  Aram  and  Asia  Minor,  in  the  names  and  titles  of 
rulers.  The  Hyksos  names  given  by  Josephus  seem  to 
be  of  the  same  class  {Contra  Apion,  i.  14,  15): — 

1.  Salatis.    This  was  a  goddess  Sala,  "the  shining,"'  and  the 

name  may  mean  "illustrious"  (Akkadians/,  to  shine, 
Finnic  sal). 

2.  Beon  or  Bnon.     Perhaps  only  "  Lord  of  the  race." 

3.  Pakhnan,  otherwise  Apakhnas  (see  No.  25  of  the  Hittite 

list).     Perhaps  only  "  their  king." 

4.  Arkles.    Like  Irkalla  in  Akkadian,  "the  fiery."    The  name 

Irk/uelena  in  Hamath  (if  not  Semitic)  may  be  connected. 

5.  Apophis   or  Apepa.     Perhaps  only  from   ab-ab,   ancestor 

(Akkadian  ab,  Turkish  eb,  father). 

6.  Iaxias,  "the  younger"  (Turkish yeni,  young). 

7.  Assis  (compare  the  Minyan  asalis).     Possibly  from  as,  first, 

and  sis,  brother. 
S.  Staan,   given   by  Africanus    from    Manetho,   is    probably 
corrupt.     Perhaps  Setan   or  Setam,  "  of  the  family  of 
Set,"  the  god  worshipped  by  the  Hyksos. 

These  names  are  certainly  not  Egyptian,  nor  do  they 
seem  to  be  Semitic  or  Aryan,  but  rather  Mongol  titles. 
As  regards  the  name  of  the  Khatti,  Kheta,  or  Hittites 
itself,  khat  means  "dawn,"  and  they  may  have  been 
"  Easterns  " ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  in  Turkish  dialects 
khat  means  "  to  join,"  whence  many  names  for  "  allies," 
"  relations,"  &c,  and  the  term  may  mean  the  allied  tribes, 
Khattina  having  a  similar  meaning  perhaps  as  a  plural. 


THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  201 

The  Khitai  of  Central  Asia  gave  their  name  to  Cathay 
or  China,  and  the  word  recalls  the  Egyptian  Kheta  and 
Hebrew  Heth.  In  Semitic  speech  the  latter  only  means 
"  fear." 

The  only  Hittite  text  as  yet  known  written  in  the 
cuneiform  script  is  the  letter  of  Tarkhundara  to  Ameno- 
phis  III.,  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.C.  Its  translation  is 
difficult,  on  account  of  many  words  of  unknown  or 
doubtful  meaning,  and  of  uncertainties  as  to  some  of 
the  emblems.  It  is  published  in  facsimile,1  and  has  been 
recently  recopied  by  Dr  Sayce.2  The  following  trans- 
lation is  purely  tentative  ;  but  the  first  salutations,  and 
the  references  to  a  "  daughter,"  to  the  "  prince  of  the 
Hittites,"  and  to  the  presents,  are  certain.  The  language 
is  clearly  akin  to  Akkadian,  on  account  of  the  precative 
verb — as  has  been  pointed  out  by  several  specialists ; 
and  for  this  reason  the  syntax  proposed  by  Dr  Sayce 
appears  inadmissible. 

Line  I.      DUB  ma    D.P.        Nimuutriya         Sar      gal       Sar     kur 
Letter  this  to  Amenophis  III.,    king    great,     king    land 

.17/  iz  za  ri. 
Egypt. 

Line  II.     NU    UD   D.P.     Tar  khuun  da  ra  [da?]    Sar   kur  Ar  za  pi 
lord    Sun  Tarkhundara       from,  king  land    Rezeph 

D.A.  bi  ma. 

it    is. 

Line  III.     Ka       ti  mi       KUR U  in       E  ZUN  mi       DAM  MES  mi 
all      region         peaceful  my  houses  my  wives 

TUR  MES  mi. 
my  sons. 

Line  IV.     GUM    MES       GAL    GAL    as        ZAB     MES    mi     D.P. 
men  chief  my    soldiers 

kur-ra  ZUJV  mi. 
my  cavalry. 

Line  V.      Bi  ib  bi  it  mi    KUR  KUR  ZUN  mi  gan  an  da  khit  u    ma  an 
whatever  mine  countries  my  all  at         may        be 

KURU  in. 
at  peace. 

1  No.  io,  Berlin  Collection,  Tell  Amarna  Letters. 

2  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  Nov.  1897,  pp.  281-284. 


202  APPENDIX    II. 

Line  VI.     —  Du-ug   MAS  KA  1        ta         khu   u    ma   an    KURU  in 
saying      moreover      to  thee       may         be  at  peace 

GIZ  MES  tu? 

[likewise  ?] 

Line  VII.     E  ZUN  ti    DAM  MES  ti     TUR  MES  ii     GUM  MES 

thy  houses  thy  wives  thy  sons  men 

GAL  GAL  as. 
chief. 

Line  VIII.     ZAB  MES  ti       D.P.       kur-ra  ZUN  ti         hi  ib  ii  it  ti 
thy  soldiers  thy  cavalry  whatever  thine 

GIZ  MES  tu. 
[likewise?] 

Line  IX.     KUR  ZUN  ti  khu  u  ma  an  KURU  in. 
thy  lands  may       be        at  peace. 


Line 

X.     - 

Line 

XL 

Line 

XII. 

Line  XIII. 

si. 

lo. 

Line 

XIV. 

-  Ka  a  la  at3         ta  mi       —  E  n/e  ten  D.P.  Ir  sa  ap pa. 
lord  to  thee  my  chief  Irsappa. 

GUM  kha  lu ga  tal  la  an  mi  in    a  u  ma  ni   TUR  SAL  ti. 
man       swiftly       sent     he  me  of  this      is,       daughter  thy. 

AN  UD  mi     A'Uiu*     DAM  an  ni  it      pi      da  an    ZL5 
Sun-god  my  protecting       lady  she       I  whom    must   send. 

NU      US  si  li  il"       khu    ltd    i  ni  an  sak  du 

no    servant   [being  sent  ?]  this    day   this  of    first  he  comes 


Ka  a  la  ta3      up       Pa  akh    khu    un  7      I     su  kha    la  li  ia 
lord  to,       region      king     who      of      one    [bag  ?]    giving 

GUSKIN       KURU  an  ta 
gold        [a  peace-offering?] 


Line  XV.     —  a     ni    ia      at  ta  la       mu  kit  un  da  as  kha  at  ra  [mu  ?] 
it  this  to  despatched  me  for  he  was  ;    speed  for  of  me 

Line  XVI.      Ub  bi  pi  ra  at       mu  tie  it  ta  up     Pa  akh  khi 

what        sent        for  me    of  him  hand  at    region    king  who, 

EGIR    an  da. 
after,    him  at. 


1  Mas,  second,  further  ;  ka,  measure. 

2  GIZ  MES,  perhaps  pronounced  nen,  these  ;   TU  ox  tarn,  like. 

3  Kalat,  abstract  from  kal,  great. 

4  A'U,  translated  tiigultu  in  Assyrian,  help,  protection,  service. 

5  ZI,  rendered  saparu,  to  send,  in  Assyrian. 

6  Silil  from  sil,  to  go  ;  si/a,  road,  passive  form. 

7  Up  Pakh  from   UB  Assyrian  cipru,   region  ;   PAKH,  Assyrian 
samt,  king ;  Turkish  Bag  or  Bek,  chief. 


THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  203 

Line  XVII.      Pal  ta    GUM  kha  lit  ga    /alia    at  ti  in1  am  vie  cl  la. 
time  at    man       swiftly     sent  to       this       is  intrusted. 

Line  XVIII.      GUM     kha  hi  ga       /alia       an     EGIR      khat  khat  ra  a 
man         swiftly  sent        he      after  expedite 

khu  11  da  ak. 
may  make. 

Line  XIX.      Na  i  na     at     11      pi       an      d/i. 
this     it    from   I  which  him  give. 


Line  XX.    —Nil   UD       ta        u       pi       an      ZI    [11  f]    da  ati       ZI 
Lord  Sun  to  thee  1    whom   her   send       I        must     send, 

KU  GAR       ta        TUR    SAL  ti 
protection  making,     thy    daughter, 

Line  XXI.      GUM  kha  lu  ga    tal  mi      is     GUM  kha  In  ga   lal  lata 
man      swiftly     sent  my  thus,    man      swiftly     sent  from 

Line  XXII.  KU  is         tii       cl  In     KAR  na  as      ag     ga    as 

protection  thus  makes  taking,    city    of  any  great  one  any 

Line  XXIII.       NU    mu   an         tu        SAL  su  us     ga  as    ga  as'2  KUR 
Prince  my  him  causing  women  folk  making  travel    land 

ia  as    ub  bi     is         ta       US  as  su  uii 
to  any  which  thus  to  thee    is     subject 

Line  XXIV.     ZI  in  nu  uk  khu  2/  ma  an  da. 
borne  let  be. 


Line  XXV.       NU    kha  at  te    sa  as  sa   knr  E  i  ga  id 
Prince     Hittite     ordering  land     Ikatai 

Line  XXVI.       NU     UD        ta         GIZ    kal  la   bi  ib  bi     es  li         up 
Prince  Sun  to  thee  wood      usu        which     [due?]   region 
Pa  khu  tin  la  li 
king      of  gives 

Line  XXVII.    Ki     is    sa       RI        is     si  D.P,  Ir  sa  ap  pa  GUM  kha  lu 
as  thus  in  appears  thus  see  Irsappa       man  swiftly 


Line  XXVIII.    /  en  su  kha  la  li  ia  GUSKIN  ki     lal      bi       TU  .  .  .  . 
one  [bag  ?]  giving        gold       as  weight  the  weighed 

Line  XXIX.    XX.    ma-na    GUSKIN    III.       KA      SHI    III.       KA 
20     manahs        gold        three  pounds  ivory  three  pounds 

ZAB  KAR  .  .  . 

[copper  ?] 

1  Attn,  Turkish  at  in,  Minyan  atinin,  this. 

2  Gas-gas  from  A'AS,  Assyrian  kharanu,  road  ;  causative,   making 
travel. 


204  APPENDIX    II. 

Line  XXX.     ///.      KA    KHU  UZ  ZI  VIII.     KA     KU  SI  IT  TI  IN 
three  pounds       eight  pounds  .... 

Line  XXXI.  C.    KA  Anna   tab  al  ga  an  C. 

one  hundred   pounds      tin  beaten  one   hundred 

KA     KHA  AB  [RI  f]  .  ,  . 
pounds  .   .   . 

Lin    XXXII.  C.  KA  Sir  ri  li  ia  as  sa  .... 

one  hundred  pounds  .... 

Line  XXXIII.     IV.    TAK  KU  KU  PU  GAI  II  DUG  GA  VI.    TAK 
four  stones       precious        greatly        good       six   stones 

KU  KU  PU  .  .  . 
precious 

Line  XXXIV.     GAR  ZAL  DUG  GA    III.     GIZ   GU  ZA   GAR  GIZ\ 
make   shine       good       three  wood     seats       work  wood 

Pa-na  .  .  . 
Pana  .  .  . 

Line  XXXV.    X.    GIZ  GU  ZA  GAR  GIZ  KAL    mil-li    Uibbi  .  .  . 
ten  wood     seats      work  wood    usu    polished  which    .  .   . 

Line  XXXVI.     X.  AKH  KHU  UZ  TAB  GIZ  KAL  la  li. 
ten  .  .  .  also    wood    usu    gives. 

Taking  the  words  in  the  ordinary  sense  and  the  ordi- 
nary syntax  of  the  Akkadian  language,  the  meaning  of 
this  letter  appears  therefore  to  be  as  follows  : — 

"This  letter  to  Amenophis  III.  the  great  king  of  the 
land  of  Egypt,  the  Sun  -  lord,  is  from  Tarkhundara  the 
king  of  the  land  of  Rezeph.  All  the  region  is  at  peace. 
Peace  be  to  my  abodes,  my  wives,  my  sons,  the  great 
ones  of  my  soldiers  and  chariots,  whatever  is  mine  in  all 
my  lands. 

"  Moreover,  saying  to  thee,  May  there  be  peace  like- 
wise. Peace  be  to  thy  abodes,  thy  wives,  thy  sons,  the 
great  ones  of  thy  soldiers  and  thy  chariots,  likewise  thy 
lands. 

"  To  thee,  my  lord,  this  chief  Irsappa  is  my  messenger, 
protecting  thy  daughter  my  Sun-god — the  lady  whom  I 
must  send  ;  no  servant  having  been  sent,  lo  !  this  day 
he  comes  first  of  all  for  this ;  giving  a  [bag  ?]  of  gold 
as  a  peace  -  offering,  to  the  lord  who  is  king  of  this 
region. 


THE   AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  205 

"  Therefore  he  was  despatched  for  me  ;  moreover,  to 
speed  for  me  what  is  sent  for  me  by  his  hand,  to  the  king 
of  this  region,  it  is  intrusted  at  the  [same]  time  to  the 
messenger.  That  the  messenger  may  speed  moreover 
that  which  thereby  I  give  him. 

"To  thee  the  Sun-lord  I  must  send  her  whom  I  send. 
Thus  my  messenger  is  a  protection  to  thy  daughter.  Thus 
there  is  protection  by  taking  the  messenger,  any  great 
man  of  any  city — a  prince  of  mine — sending  the  women- 
folk on  the  way,  let  them  be  carried  to  each  country 
subject  to  thee. 

"  By  order  of  the  Hittite  prince  the  land  of  Ikatai  pre- 
sents to  thee  the  Sun-lord  the  usu  wood  [due  to  ?]  the  king 
of  the  region,  as  thus  appears  :  so  behold.  Irsappa  the 
messenger  presents  the  [bag  ?] — gold  by  weight  weighed, 
20  nianahs  of  gold  :  three  pounds  of  ivory  :  three  pounds 
of  [copper  ?]  :  three  pounds  of  .  .  .  eight  pounds  of  .  .  . 
one  hundred  pounds  of  beaten  tin  [or  lead],  one  hundred 
pounds  of  .  .  .  Four  very  precious  gems,  six  gems  of 
good  water,  three  chairs  of  Pana  .  .  .  wood-work,  ten 
chairs  of  usu  wood-work  polished,  which  .  .  .  ten  .  .  . 
also  of  usu  wood  he  gives." 

The  translation  of  this  text,  though  uncertain  in  parts, 
very  strongly  confirms  the  conclusion  that  the  Hittite 
language  was  closely  akin  to  Akkadian  and  to  the  cog- 
nate language  of  Mitanni.  The  letter,  indeed,  may 
refer  to  the  despatch  of  Tadukhepa  from  Mitanni  to 
Egypt. 

In  conclusion  we  may  refer  to  languages,  of  the  Minyan 
country  about  840  B.C.,  and  of  Cappadocia  after  1500 
B.C.,  from  which  light  has  naturally  been  sought  in  study- 
ing the  populations  of  these  regions.  In  the  one  case, 
however,  the  Vannic  language  is  only  known  about  the 
time  when  the  Aryan  Medes  were  encountered  in  this 
region  by  the  Assyrians,  while  on  the  other  the  Cappa- 
docian  texts  are  Semitic. 

The  Vannic  appears  to  be  an  Iranian  dialect,  as  shown 


206 


APPENDIX    II. 


by  its  vocabulary,  compared  with  the  Persian  of  500  B.C., 
and  the  Lycian  about  414  B.C. : 1 — 


Vannic,  est, 
asi, 


law  ; 

horseman  ( 

a  sacrifice ; 

tumeni,  towns ; 

Niribi,  dead  ; 

Euris,  lord ; 

asis,  house ; 

sal,  year ; 

arc,  men ; 

ip,  flood  ; 

I  'edia,  women  ; 

sardis,  vear ; 

Bag,  God ; 

a//is,  water ; 

zad,  to  build  ; 

par,  to  carry  ; 

gu,  to  cut ; 

di,  to  call ; 


Sansk. ,  yos  ;  Latin,  jus. 
Persian,  aca ;  Sansk.,  asva,  horse. 
Persian,  aya,  sacrifice. 
Lycian,  tomena,  house. 
Sansk.,  mri ;  Lycian,  mra,  to  die. 
Persian,  aura  ;  Lycian,  aunt,  lord. 
Sansk.,  vesas,  dwelling. 
Persian,  sal ;  Lycian,  shal,  year. 
Lycian,  are  ;  Armenian,  ayr,  man. 
Persian,  apt,  water. 
Sansk.,  vedha,  woman,  wife. 
Persian,  careda,  year. 
Persian,  Baga  ;  Phrygian,  Bagaios  ;  Ly- 
cian, Phaga  ;  Slav.,  Bogu,  God. 
Persian,  awi ;  Latin,  aqua,  water. 
Persian,  zad,  to  build. 
Sansk.,  bhri ;  Lycian,  far;  Latin,  fero. 
Sansk.,  cho,  cut. 
Sansk.,  da,  to  say. 


The  Vannic  grammar  is  equally  indicative  of  an  inflected 
Aryan  language.  The  noun  cases,  including  s  for  the 
nominative  (as  in  Persian,  Lycian,  Sanskrit,  &c),  appear 
to  be  Iranian,  and  are  not  those  above  given  for  the 
Mongol  languages.  Among  pronouns,  prepositions,  &c, 
may  be  noticed — 


tannic,  ui, 

and  ; 

Persian,  va. 

11         ini, 

11         isti, 

this  ; 

Persian,  any  a. 
Latin,  iste. 

11         mes, 
pari, 
11        eha, 
11        ies, 

out  of ; 
this  ; 
who  ; 

Sansk.,  ma;  Lycian,  ma. 
Persian,  para  ;  Greek,  paros 
Persian,  hya. 
Persian,  yo. 

These  are  all  quite  different  from  Mongol  words  of 
the  same  meaning,  nor  are  prepositions  used  in  Mongol 
speech. 

The  Vannic  verb  possesses  the  augment  for  the  im- 
perfect and  the  reduplication  for  the  perfect,  as  in  Iranian 
speech  ;  and  the  syntax  is  not  Mongol,  for  the  verb  may 
precede  its  subject.     The  adjective  follows  the  noun  as 

^  x  See  my  paper,  "The  Lycian  Language,"  Journal  of  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  October  1S91. 


THE    AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  207 

in  Persian,  &c.  ;  enclitics  are  used,  though  as  rarely  as  in 
Persian  ;  collectives  are  used  as  plurals ;  and  the  genitive 
may  precede  its  nominative,  as  in  Lycian,  old  Persian, 
&c.  The  Aryan,  and  more  particularly  the  Iranian,  affini- 
ties of  Vannic  speech  are,  in  short,  so  clear  that  we  may 
safely  attribute  it  to  the  Medes,  who  were  beginning  to 
become  powerful  in  the  ninth  century  B.C.,  when  the 
Vannic  texts  were  inscribed.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
older  Minyans  of  the  same  region  were  Mongols,  whom 
the  Assyrians  destroyed.  Not  a  single  Hittite  word  has 
been  shown  to  exist  in  the  Vannic  language,  and  even 
a  first  glance  at  Hittite  texts,  with  the  highly  pictorial 
emblems  therein  used,  should  convince  any  student 
that  the  character  belongs  to  a  much  earlier  period  than 
the  ninth  century  B.C.,  when  the  later  and  very  conven- 
tional cuneiform  script  was  in  use,  and  was  already  begin- 
ning to  be  superseded  by  the  still  more  abstract  and 
artificial  signs  of  the  Phoenician  alphabet. 

As  regards  the  Cappadocian  inscriptions  in  cuneiform, 
which  it  was  thought  might  prove  to  be  in  Hittite  lan- 
guage, on  account  of  the  notice  of  Tarkutimme  in  one 
case,  they  are  not  earlier  than  the  time  of  the  Tell 
Amarna  tablets,  although  the  forms  of  the  emblems  are 
earlier  than  those  in  use  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.  They 
are  now  acknowledged  to  be  Semitic,  and,  as  we  have 
seen,  even  the  Mongol  prince  Dusratta  uses  a  Semitic 
language,  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.C.,  in  all  but  one  of 
the  letters  which  he  wrote  to  Egypt.  The  texts  from 
Cappadocia  have  been  mentioned  in  chapter  iii.  of  the 
present  work,  and  the  two  following  may  be  given,  from 
the  transcription  and  copy  published,  as  cited  in  that 
chapter : — 

British  Museum  Text  from  Cappadocia. 

1.  XX   CU  tina  abami  bittt  Twenty  cloths  brought  me  here 

2.  sip  fa  SHIa  X  CU  tina  wool  blue.     Ten  cloths 

3.  Nama  CU  tina  sipta  SHIa  smooth,  of  cloth  wool  blue 

4.  X   CU  SU  a  ci  tube  sipta  Ten  cloths  other.     As  is  good  the 

SHIa  blue  wool 


208 


APPENDIX    II. 


9- 


sa  Indus  sari/  napistu 

SHI  titbit  CU  tina  tanum 
Sipta  SHIa  sa  Elugar 
malala  I  ASTINa  ana 
Elngari  sa  i/niii 

10.  Mirtam  LXXX  CU  tina 

ii.   Sipta  SHIa  ana 

12.  Elngari  sa  ama 

13.  ana  ZALBA 

14.  Usdslii  assa  uma 

15.  XII  /nana  V  TU  ta 

16.  AZAG  ana  Elngari 

17.  isabit 


For  dress  of  king's  self, 

a  good  blue,  weave  a  cloth 

Blue  wool,  which  to  Elugar 

was  promised,  One  asked  for  by 

Elugar,  which  now 

Is  needed.     Eighty  cloths 

wool  blue  for 

Elugar,  which  however 

on  credit. 

Has  been  sent  out  this,  to-day. 

Twelve  mana  five  shekels. 

Silver  by  Elugar 

(He  has  got  it?). 


This  seems,  therefore,  to  be  the  letter  of  a  Babylonian 
trader,  buying  the  stuffs  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
Assyrians  prized  among  the  spoils  of  Asia  Minor. 


Cappadocian  Text,  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris. 


1.  Amur  AN  UT  ana 

2.  Irisim  GUM  KASmala piani 

3.  sibani  akhi  ma 

4.  umma  Amur  AN  UT  ma 

5.  AZAG  I  mana  XI  TU  GAL 

6.  Riksamu  su  asakalu 

7.  KUGI  iliga 

8.  Rikzim 

9.  Nakh  rukzam 

10.  ma  la  rissasu  me  abada 

11.  Akhi-na  ma  MIS 

12.  Assa  ma  irisu 

13.  Tat  nb  Be  lit 

14.  Ana  apitim 

15.  Ani  aKAS 

16.  SA  GUM  DUBBI  iiisit 


t-7- 


19. 


23- 
24. 


GUM  KAS  rab  itub  ni  akhi- 

ma 
SAL.  Pinisurim 
sa  astir  sibukhini 
Nitubin 
SAL   ass ura p 
GUM  KAS  LAL  diib 
SAL  dan  azir 
GUM  KAS  asur  isia- 
kal 


God  knows  about 

The  giving.     The  man  twice  spoke, 

swearing  to  me,  brother,  this, 

Thus.     God  knows  it. 

The     silver,     one     mana,     eleven 

shekels, 
Its  total.     I  had  weighed  (it) 
He  took  the  gold. 
Altogether. 

It  remained  altogether. 
But  "They  did  not  give  it  ever" 
our  brother  has  written, 
This  they  had  not  given, 
you  assure,  sir. 
About  the  affair 
I  repeat, 
The    assurance.       The    man    bore 

letters 
The  man  twice  assured  me,  brother, 

this. 
The  woman  Pinisurim 
That  it  was  true,  swore  to  me. 
We  were  both  satisfied. 
I  gave  change  to  the  woman. 
The  man  made  good  a  second  sum. 
I  gave  the  woman  all  back. 
The  man,  indeed,  has  twice 
Paid. 


This  dispute  explains  why  tablets  were  written  in  connec- 
tion with  such  transactions,  to  be  produced  as  evidence. 
The   Babylonian   language,  as  we  have   seen,  was  easily 


THE   AKKADIAN    LANGUAGE.  209 

understood  in  Cilicia  and  in  Cappadocia ;  but  as  these 
letters  are  Babylonian  and  Semitic,  they  do  not  cast  any 
light  on  the  Hittite.  They  are  found  in  Cappadocia  be- 
cause they  were  sent  there,  to  persons — probably  Semitic 
merchants — who  provided  stuffs  and  other  articles  of 
native  trade  for  Babylonian  shops. 

Having  now  reviewed  all  the  available  evidence  affecting 
the  question  of  language  in  the  regions  under  considera- 
tion, we  find  that  the  known  languages  of  the  earlier 
period  were  Mongol.  They  are,  indeed,  not  more  than 
dialects  of  one  great  speech  spoken  by  Sumerians,  Ak- 
kadians, Kassites,  and  Hittites,  as  well  as  by  smaller 
tribes,  about  2200  B.C.  The  Minyan  is  a  somewhat 
more  advanced  tongue  of  about  1500  b.c.  The  old 
Medic  has  been  thoroughly  examined  by  Dr  Oppert  in 
a  special  work,  and  need  not  be  here  further  noticed. 
It  shows,  however,  the  natural  changes  which  had  come 
over  the  language  by  500  B.C.  Dr  Oppert  speaks  of  its 
connection  with  Turkish,  as  Dr  Hommel  also  compares 
the  latter  with  Akkadian.  The  Vannic,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  a  later  Iranian  inflected  dialect,  which  can 
neither  historically  nor  linguistically  be  expected  to  aid 
us  in  recovering  the  Hittite. 


210 


APPENDIX    III. 

NOTES    ON    DEITIES    AND    MYTHS. 

The  close  resemblances  between  the  early  pantheons  of 
various  races  are  worthy  of  notice,  the  principal  deities 
bein°:  as  below  : — 


Akkadian. 

Assyrian. 

Greek. 

Latin. 

Hindu. 

Egyptian. 

Syrian. 

Heaven 

An 

flu 

Ouranos 

Carlus 

Brahma 

Nut 

El 

Earth 

Nana 

Bcltu 

Ge 

Terra 

Devi 

Sen 

Baalatk 

Ocean 

Ea 

Ea 

Okcanos 

Neptune 

Vishnu 

Osiris 

Dagon 

Hell 

Nergal 

Bel 

Hades 

Pluto 

Siva 

Set 

Baal 

Sun 

T  am. MUZ 

Sat  mis 

Hello* 

Apollo 

Krishna 

Horus 

Shamash 

Moon 

ISTAR 

Astaratu 

Artemis 

Diana 

Pan'ati 

[sis 

Ashtoreth 

Air 

Mer 

Rimmon 

Zeus 

Jupiter 

Indra 

Shu 

Hadad 

Herald 

Ak 

Nebo 

Hermes 

Mercury 

Agni 

Anubis 

Eshmun 

The  figure  of  the  goddess  of  Love  is  conspicuous  among 
the  Aryans.  The  Hindu  Venus  is  Parvati.  Ashtoreth 
partook  of  her  character.  There  is  also  a  male  Moon-god 
in  some  cases  and  a  female  Sun-god.  The  Semitic  Sinu, 
the  Akkadian  Aku,  the  Indian  Chandra,  the  Egyptian 
Thoth,  are  males.  The  Sun  was  female  among  Teutons 
and  other  Aryans,  and  apparently  among  Arabs.  Wives 
were  provided  for  the  gods  in  addition,  such  as  the  in- 
fernal goddess  Ninkigal,  a  form  of  Beltu,  the  Greek  Perse- 
phone, Latin  Proserpine,  Hindu  Durga,  and  in  Egypt 
Hathor,  and  Bast,  who  were  wives  of  Set,  and  the  latter 
lion-  or  cat-headed.  The  Sun  and  Moon  were  the  chil- 
dren of  Heaven,  either  brother  and  sister  or  husband  and 
wife.     The  fiery  messengers  of  the  gods,  who  are  often 


NOTES    ON    DEITIES    AND    MYTHS.  211 

mentioned  as  sent  to  Hades,  may  have  been  meteors. 
The  Semitic  pantheon  of  later  times  converts  many  of  the 
ancient  Akkadian  deities  into  planets,  which  are  identified 
by  classic  authors  : — 


Jupiter 

Marduk . 

.     emblems,  the  wheel  and  crown. 

Venus 

/star 

m            cross  and  dove. 

Mercury- 

Nebo 

ii            caduceus. 

Mars 

Nerval    . 

n            three-pronged  spear 

Saturn 

.-Liar       . 

n             snake. 

The  thirty  stars  for  the  year  were  common  to  Babylon 
and  Egypt. 

The  name  of  Set  is  peculiar  to  Egypt  and  to  the 
Hittites.  He  appears  to  represent  a  very  ancient  god 
in  the  Delta,  and  was  worshipped,  as  noted,  by  the 
Hyksos.  As  a  god  of  night,  and  of  the  fiery  region  of 
sunset  and  Hades,  he  partook  of  the  savage  nature  of 
Nergal.  He  was  the  enemy  of  the  Sun,  red-haired,  evilly 
disposed,  the  lord  of  the  West  (sunset)  as  Horus  of  the 
East — the  rising  sun.  He  is  described  as  lord  of  drought 
and  fire,  and  of  the  deserts.  Evil  plants  and  beasts  were 
created  by  him.  Yet  we  have  a  representation  of  a 
double-headed  figure  Set-Horus,  and  he  was  the  brother 
of  the  Sun.  He  is  stated  by  Plutarch 1  to  have  been 
represented  with  the  head  of  an  ass  ;  and  the  emblem  of 
Set  is  a  remarkable  monster,  with  a  head  long-eared  like 
Assyrian  demons,  whose  ears  are  in  some  cases  those  of 
an  ass.  Another  form  of  his  name  was  Sutekhu,  which 
may  be  the  Hyksos  form  meaning  "  Prince  of  Fire."  A 
statue  of  Set  with  human  form  comes  from  Egypt,  the 
head,  which  is  injured,  possibly  representing  an  ass. 
Among  the  Hittites  Set  was  of  primary  importance  as 
"  Lord  of  Heaven  and  Earth."  His  name  does  not  seem 
to  occur  among  the  Sumerians,  where  Nergal  had  the 
same  character,  both  as  the  fiery  Sun  and  as  ruler  of 
Hades  and  of  the  tomb.  Nergal,  however,  was  lion- 
headed. 

The  great  antiquity  of  temples  among  the  Asiatics  is 

1  Isis  and  Osiris,  §§  12,  22,  30,  31. 


212  APPENDIX    III. 

witnessed  by  the  remains  of  Zirgul.  Here  Bau,  "  eldest 
daughter  of  Heaven,"  was  the  chief  goddess,  and  Gudea 
speaks  of  her  festival  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  the 
gifts  or  sacrifices  including  calves,  sheep,  lambs,  dates, 
cream,  palm-spathes,  swans,  cranes,  &c,  with  various  robes. 
The  temple  was  even  then  ancient.  Gudea  ordained 
annual  offerings  of  wine,  food,  &c,  by  measurement. 
He  erected  a  temple  on  pure  soil,  where  no  tombs  had 
previously  existed,  showing  a  very  early  idea  of  unclean- 
ness  connected  with  death. 

Pure  water  was  as  sacred  as  fire  to  the  ancient  Asiatics, 
and  the  "water  of  life"  is  mentioned,  both  in  Babylonia 
and  in  Egypt,  in  connection  with  the  unseen  world  of 
Hades.  A  curious  later  text  relates  to  the  purchase  of 
holy  water  in  Babylonia  : — 

"  Sadunu  has  given  to  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  ten 
shekels  of  silver,  the  balance  of  five-sixths  of  a  mana  and 
five  shekels  of  silver,  price  of  the  water  of  the  city  of  the 
Sun  ;  in  the  month  Sebat,  first  day  ;  the  year  of  accession 
of  Nabonahid  king  of  Babylon." 

The  antiquity  of  property  belonging  to  temples  is 
illustrated  by  another  text : — 

"  One  [acre  ?]  of  pure  soil  has  been  given  to  the  Twin 
God,  opposite  the  sesame  fields  of  the  river  Agarinnu. 
Witness  Amil  Merra,  the  official  of  pastures.  Fifth 
day  of  the  month  Elul,  the  year  after  the  accession  of 
Ammi-Zaduga." 

This  Semitic  text,  if  not  a  later  copy,  is  only  a  century 
later  than  the  oldest  known  (time  of  'Ammurabi),  and 
dates  about  2000  b.c.1 

The  religious  texts  are  much  more  difficult  than  the 
historic,  but  those  noticed  in  the  first  chapters  are 
rendered  easier  by  being  bilinguals,  and  are  certainly 
understood.  In  other  cases  we  can  only  judge  by  the 
apparent  intelligibility  of  the  result.  The  legend  of 
Adapa  (or  Adaru)  has  been  very  curiously  interpreted, 
but  the  result  is  not  satisfactory.  I  have  given  my 
1  See  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  December  1895,  April  1897. 


NOTES    ON    DEITIES    AND    MYTHS.         213 

rendering  of  this,  and  of  the  legend  of  Iris-ki-gal,  in  the 
translation  of  the  Tell  Amarna  tablets  (second  edition). 
It  has  been  thought  that  another  tablet  referred  to  the 
same  story;  and  a  myth  as  to  "breaking  the  wings  of 
the  North  Wind "  was  supposed  to  be  connected  with 
Adapa.  The  word  kappi  may,  however,  mean  "deceits," 
not  "wings,"  and  Adapa  is  not  marked  as  a  personal 
name. 

This  tablet  having  been  recopied,  and  being  in  itself 
very  interesting,  may  here  be  given  : x — 

(1)  Umii '  situkin  (2)  [li?]ikbi  snmma  sit  ip[pus]  (3)  [ma]- 
asba  istu  kalbi  stimma  situ  Mama  [ka]  (4)  \eli\  AN  Anu  su 
ipsit  AN Ea  sa  kisisi  ikhma  (5)  Hani  sa  same  n  irzitim  mala 
basil  mannu  kiam  lukhu  (6)  .  .  .  cibit  su  [utinii  ?]  cima  cibit 
AN  Ann  mannu  attar  (7)  [AAr  Ann]  adapa  istu  isid  same 
ana  elat  same  (8)  .  .  .  [su]  palis-ma  pitluk/ifa  su  inner  (9) 
.  .  .  su  AN  Anu  sa  adapa  eli  su\j)iiliiklf\ta  iskun  (10)  .  .  . 
ki  sa  AN  Ea  sttbara  su  iskun  (11)  [AN  A]nu  Bel  ussu  ana 
arkat  ume  su  pi  simtu  [ituf]  (12)  [u]  mi  adapa  zir  amiluti 
(13)  .  .  .  nisurak  ana  kappi  suti  isbiru  (14)  ana  same  clu 
si lu  it  kiam  (15)  .  .  .  sakan  it  sa  linmis  ana  nisi  istaknu 
(16)  miirzu  sa  ina  zumur  nisi  istaknu  (17)  [m]atu  AN 
Beltu  Karrak  iinak/ikliu  (18)  [lib]ma  sinintu  miirzu  lismur 
(19)  .  .  .  suatu  kharbasu  linikut  ma  (20)  .  .  .  sittu  k/tilu  la 
isallal     (21)  [ma]  lal pudu  nuk  libbi  nisi  .  .  . 

The  meaning  appears  to  be  somewhat  as  follows  : — 

"When  one  is  made  to  give  evidence  let  him  say  if  he 
himself  has  made  oath  from  the  heart.  If  he  so  informs 
[you],  he  himself  has  spoken  before  God,  Ea  who  guards 
secrets,  the  gods  of  heaven  and  earth  every  one  of  them. 
Is  he  then  innocent  ?  His  word  is  assured  as  the  word 
of  God.  Can  he  escape  ?  God  who  stretches  from  the 
base  of  heaven  to  the  top  of  heaven  [and  the  depth] 
beneath  it  knows  his  choice.  [Watching]  him,  God  who 
stretches  over  him  has  fixed  his  [choice].  .  .  .  Ea  has 
accordingly  fixed  his  failure.  God  the  mighty  Lord  has 
uttered  the  word  of  fate  for  his  latter  day  far  off.     The 

1  Given  without  translation.  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  November 
1894. 


214  APPENDIX    III. 

contempt  of  men  he  is  given  .  .  .  for  the  deceits  that 
failed.  He  had  invoked  heaven  above,  and  so  it  was 
fixed,  and  that  he  shall  remain  wretchedly  among  men, 
that  he  remain  languishing  in  obscurity  among  men  : 
wherever  the  lady  of  Karak  has  been  given  an  abode, 
there  let  him  expect  plague  and  sickness.  [For]  this  let 
destruction  smite  him.  Having  [drunk  ?]  sin  he  shall  not 
escape.  To  accomplish  corruption  he  wrought  folly  among 
men.   .   .   ." 

This  text,  though  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  any  myth, 
shows  the  religious  feeling  of  the  Semitic  race  as  to  the 
sanctity  of  an  oath. 


15 


APPENDIX   IV. 


THE     HITTITE     SYLLABARY. 


The  syllabary  is  considered  first,  without  any  reference  to 
the  inscriptions  to  be  read.  The  values  and  sounds  being 
established,  as  far  as  possible,  without  considering  the  re- 
sults on  the  readings,  a  foundation  is  formed  by  this  means 
which  cannot  be  regarded  as  arbitrary.  The  comparisons 
are,  on  the  one  hand,  with  what  is  called  the  "  Asianic 
syllabary,"  including  the  Cypriote  syllables,  and  the  extra 
letters  of  the  Lycian  and  Carian  alphabets,  which  are 
generally  admitted  to  be  of  the  same  origin ;  on  the 
other,  by  comparing  the  sounds  and  forms  of  the  oldest 
known  Sumerian  emblems.  In  some  cases  the  sign  runs 
through  all  three  systems,  in  others  it  is  common  only  to 
two.  The  syllables  with  a  preceding  vowel — such  as  ab, 
ib,  nb — are  not  used  in  Cypriote,  nor  does  that  syllabary 
contain  any  "closed"  syllables  —  such  as  tar,  fur,  &x. 
The  Cypriote  vowels  take  an  unwritten  n  after  them, 
when  needed.  Thus  anthropos,  man,  is  spelt  with  a 
only,  the  n  being  no  doubt  sounded. 

The  Hittite  emblems  are  taken  from  original  copies  of 
the  chief  monuments.  The  cuneiform  is  from  the  Zirgul 
texts,  from  the  valuable  work  of  MM.  Amiaud  and  Mech- 
ineau,  and  from  photographs  of  certain  lists  of  emblems. 
The  Cypriote  is  taken  from  the  original  paper  of  G. 
Smith,1  with  the  subsequent    plates   of  Dr  Deecke,  and 

1  Trans.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  vol.  i. 


2l6  APPENDIX    IV. 

from  other  sources.  The  oldest  and  most  complete 
forms  have  been  used  for  comparison,  the  later  rough 
examples  containing  fewer  lines  and  less  formal  shapes, 
and  thus,  by  the  "law  of  least  effort,"  having  become 
less  distinguishable. 

Considering  first  the  commonest  emblems,  which  are 
evidently  used  as  syllables,  and  not  generally  as  "  ideo- 
grams "  or  signs  denoting  a  particular  word,  we  may  com- 
pare as  follows.  The  emblems  are  shown  as  in  lines 
reading  from  the  right,  to  compare  properly  with  Ak- 
kadian : — 


No.  I.  A.  A  pot.  In  Akkadian  a  means  "  water"  (Turkish 
yd).  The  cuneiform  a  is  a  sign  denoting  water,  similar 
to  the  Egyptian  n  for  water.  The  emblem  compared  is 
one  of  the  extra  letters  of  the  Carian  script  with  the  value 
a.  The  water-pot  stands  for  water,  but  is  used  for  the 
syllable  a,  in  all  cases. 

No.  2.  E.  A  spear.  The  sign  compared  is  an  extra  letter  of 
both  Carian  and  Lycian,  with  the  sound  e,  or  short  a.  It 
probably  signifies  "  missile,"  from  a  common  root  mean- 
ing "  to  move." 

No.  3.  I.  Probably  "No.  1."  The  old  Greek  texts  use  the 
Phoenician  yod  for  this  letter,  but  in  Carian  and  Lycian 
the  straight  stroke — probably  No.  1 — is  used,  and  may 
be  the  true  original  of  the  Roman  letter.  In  some  of  the 
extant  Mongol  dialects  i  is  "one." 

No.  4.  O,  represents  an  herb.  The  Cypriote  has  the  sound  o, 
and  also  ho.     In  Akkadian  11  is  an  herb. 

No.  5.  U.  The  most  complete  Cypriote  form  is  given.  Its 
sound  is  a.  The  emblem  appears  to  be  a  flower.  Prob- 
ably from  the  same  Akkadian  word  ic.     See  No.  4. 

No.  6.  BA.  The  Cypriote  does  not  distinguish  ba  from  pa 
(see  No.  51).  The  cuneiform  ba  represents  a  "shrine" 
or  pyramid. 

No.  7.  BE.  The  Cypriote  gives  us  only^fe  (see  No.  52).  The 
cuneiform  sign  has  the  values  be,  bat,  and  us,  and  is  used 
for  "death,"  "blood,"  &c.  The  pictorial  meaning  of  the 
sign  is  doubtful.  It  seems  to  be  the  forked  tongue  of  a 
serpent. 

No.  8.  BI.  A  bottle.  The  Cypriote  sign  is  not  common,  and 
has  the  sound  pe,  be,  pi,  or  bi.  The  cuneiform  sign  signi- 
fies "drink."  It  has  also  the  sounds  kas,  cup  (perhaps 
Semitic),  and  ul  or  vil.     It  seems  to  have  been  early  con- 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  217 

fused  with  the  sign  for  "two"  (two  horizontal  strokes). 
See  No.  107  and  No.  33. 
No.  9.  BO.     The  emblem  seems  to  be  a  whip,  such  as  is  still 
used  by  Tartars,  and  represented  on  Assyrian  monuments. 
The  root  bid  in  Turkish  is  connected  with  words  for 
"cord."      The    Cypriote   sign    compared    is  used   for  bo 
and  fto. 
No.  10.  AB.     Does  not  occur  in  Cypriote.     The  emblem  com- 
pared in  cuneiform  signifies  a  "house."     It  is  apparently 
one  of  the  huts  which  take  the  place  of  tents  among 
Mongol  nomads.     Several  compounds  can  be  made  by 
placing  signs  inside  the  hollow  of  the  hut  (see  Nos.  89 
and  153),  which  confirm  the  comparison. 
No.  11.  IB.     The  sound  is  conjectural.     The  sign  is  a  cord. 
The  word  ib  in  Akkadian  and  Turkish  means  "to  bind." 
The  sound  appears  to  suit  the  occurrence  of  the  sign. 
No.  12.   UB.     The  Cypriote  sign  has  the  sound  bi  as  usually 
understood,  but  is  not  that  commonly  used  for  the  pur- 
pose.    The  cuneiform  sign  has  the  sounds  ub,  7(,  and  ru, 
but  its  graphic  meaning  is  not  known.     It  may  mean 
"  hollow." 
No.  13.  GA,  KA.     The  Cypriote  sign  has  both  sounds.     The 
emblem  is  conventional,  but  might  represent  a  reed  in 
water.     The  cuneiform  is  a  bulrush  with  the  sounds  ga 
and  de. 
No.  14.  GE,  KE.     The  sounds  are  from  the  Cypriote.     The 
emblem  is  not  clear,  but  may  be  phallic  (compare  No.  43), 
and  connected  with  ka,  male. 
No.  15.   GI,  KI.     The   Hittite  emblem,   compared  with  the 
Cypriote,  is  rare,  but  seems  to  represent  some  plant  (pos- 
sibly a  corn-ear).     The  cuneiform  sign  has  the  sounds^/ 
and  sa,  and  stands  for  a  "stalk"  or  a  "reed"  of  any 
plant. 
No.  16.  GO,  KO.     The  Hittite  sign  resembles  the  high  caps 
on  the  monuments,  but  it  may  only  indicate  a  cone  or 
pyramid.     This  seems  to  be  supported  by  the  compounds 
formed  (see  Nos.  88,  90,  147),  which  compare  with  cunei- 
form.    The  sign  appears  to  mean  "  high,"  as  in  Turkish 
speech,  and  probably  in  Akkadian.     The  comparison  with 
the  Cypriote  is  evident. 
No.  17.  GU,  KU,  KUM.     A  similar  emblem  to  the  last.     It 
may  be  a  crown.     The  cuneiform  emblem  has  the  sounds 
ku  and  hum,  meaning  "  top,"  "  height,"  and  also  ri,  to  rise. 
The  Cypriote  comparison  gives  the  sounds  ^v/,  ku. 
No.  18.  AG,  AK.     This  is  not  found  in  Cypriote.     In  Carian 
the  emblem  shown  has  the  sound g,  and  the  cuneiform^ 
signifies  perhaps  "  hollow."     The  Akkadian  ak  means  "  to 


RSlTY 


218  APPENDIX    IV. 

twist"  or  "bend,"  and  the  sound  has  that  value  in  Turkish 
speech. 

No.  19.  IG,  IK.  The  cuneiform  emblem  ik,gal,  seems  to  be 
a  key.  It  signifies  "  to  open."  That  keys  were  an  ancient 
invention  is  shown  by  a  bilingual  text  in  Assyrian  and 
Akkadian. 

The  sound  uk  seems  to  be  absent.     In  cuneiform  it  is 
only  denoted  by  a  compound  emblem. 

No.  20.  KHA.  This  is  apparently  absent  as  yet  in  Hittite, 
and  is  not  known  in  Cypriote.  The  cuneiform  kJia  is  a 
"fish." 

No.  21.  KHE.  The  meaning  of  the  Cypriote  sign  is  not  clear. 
The  Hittite  sign  compared  is  rare.  In  cuneiform  the 
sound  is  only  denoted  by  a  compound  emblem. 

No.  22.  KHI.  The  cuneiform  sign  appears  to  be  a  vase,  with 
which  the  Hittite  vase  is  compared.  The  cuneiform  seems 
to  stand  for  "receptacle,"  and  signifies  "measure."  It 
forms  compounds  not  used  in  Hittite,  which,  however, 
show  its  original  character. 

No.  23.  KHU.  A  bird.  The  cuneiform  khu  means  both 
"bird"  and  "prince"  (the  eagle  being  a  royal  sign,  and 
the  sound  khu  meaning  "illustrious");  it  has  also  the 
sound  pak,  bird.  The  emblem  is  only  used  in  Hittite  for 
one  word  (meaning  apparently  "prince")  as  a  rule.  The 
eagle  is  also  the  emblem  of  a  deity  in  Hittite  seal  texts. 

No.  24.  YA.  The  Cypriote  sign  is  sometimes  round,  some- 
times triangular,  with  the  sound  ya.  The  Hittite  sign  is 
rare.  The  roots  ya,  a,  and  ai  signify  "  bright."  In  Akka- 
dian the  sounds  are  i  and  ya.  In  Turkish  we  have  ai, 
white,  and  ai  or  ye,  moon  (Akkadian  ad),  connected  with 
the  idea  of  light.  There  is  a  similar  sign  in  cunei- 
form for  "light,"  but  it  has  other  sounds,  such  as  bir, 
light;  lakh,  pure;  and  nap,  daylight.  The  emblem  prob- 
ably is  the  full  moon,  as  is  shown  by  the  cuneiform  com- 
pound in  which  bir,  with  the  sign  for  30  inside,  is  the 
"month." 

No.  25.  YE.  This  is  doubtful,  but  the  nearest  Cypriote  com- 
parison available  for  the  Hittite  emblem  of  a  snake.  The 
cuneiform  snake  emblem  has  the  sounds  sir  and  mus,  but 
ye  ("the  crawler")  may  be  an  old  word  for  snake  as  well. 

No.  26.  LA.  The  Hittite  seems  to  be  a  tablet.  The  sign  is 
rare,  and  the  Cypriote  comparison  doubtful,  but  la  or  lau 
was  an  Akkadian  word  for  "  tablet." 

No.  27.  LE.  The  bull.  In  Akkadian  le  is  one  of  the  words 
for  the  bull  emblem,  others  being  am,  gut,  and  khar :  the 
first  (Turkish  'dug,  to  bellow)  means  "bull"  ;  gut  means 
"mighty"  (Turkish  got);  and  khar  may  mean  "cattle.' 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  219 

Probably  the  Hittite  sign  may  have  had  some  of  these 
sounds  as  well  as  the  sound  le  derived  from  the  Cypriote. 
See  No.  39. 

No.  28.  LI.  The  Hittite  sign  points  the  opposite  way  to  wit 
(No.  154) — that  is  to  say,  away  from  the  beginning  of  the 
lines.  The  sound  is  taken  from  the  Cypriote.  The  mean- 
ing is  not  clear.  The  cuneiform  sign  has  the  sound  la. 
The  cuneiform  li  is  represented  by  a  compound  emblem, 
not  found  in  Hittite. 

No.  29.  LO.  The  Hittite,  as  compared  with  the  Cypriote, 
probably  like  the  cuneiform,  shows  some  kind  of  tablet 
(lau) :  the  sound  is  found  in  Cypriote.  The  emblem  is 
uncommon.     Compare  No.  117,  also  a  tablet. 

No.  30.  LU.  The  yoke.  The  Cypriote  hi:  the  cuneiform  has 
the  sounds  ///  and  lal,  and  means  "  yoke"  and  "restraint." 
It  is  used  (Tell  Amarna  tablets)  for  "government." 

No.  31.  AL.  Two  legs  running.  The  cuneiform  has  the 
sound  al,  to  return,  also  du,  to  go.  The  Turkish  yal,  to 
hasten,  run  quickly,  may  be  compared.  The  sign  clearly 
means  "run."  In  Egyptian  two  legs  also  stand  for  the 
determinative  of  verbs  of  motion. 

No.  32.  IL.  This  pot  (see  No.  1)  is  distinguished  by  having 
no  marks  inside  it  such  as  a  has.  The  cuneiform  Hi,  li, 
i,  ni,  or  zal — for  it  has  all  these  sounds — is  clearly  a  pot. 
The  Hittite  sound  is  doubtful.  In  cuneiform  il  is  only 
otherwise  represented  by  compound  signs  not  found  in 
Hittite. 

No.  33.  UL.  This  is  one  of  the  sounds  of  the  cuneiform  sign 
for  "two."  The  common  sign  in  that  character  (///,  star) 
is  a  compound  not  found  in  Hittite  (namely,  the  sky  sign 
and  the  bull,  meaning  "  heavenly  bull,"  or  simply  u-le 
taken  syllabically  for  "star").  The  sound  of  the  Hittite 
is  doubtful.     Compare  Nos.  8  and  107. 

No.  34.  MA,  VA.  This  seems  to  be  a  compound  from  No. 
10,  and  the  Cypriote  ma  and  va  are  closely  similar  to 
each  other,  and  also  to  the  Lycian  wa.  The  exact  sign 
is  found  at  Bulgar  Maden  in  one  of  the  latest  Hittite  texts. 
The  cuneiform  ma  signifies  "house,"  "home,"  "abode," 
and  in  Mongolic  languages  we  find  ma,  mi,  mil  for 
"land,"  "earth,"  &c.     Compare  No.  153. 

No.  35.  ME.  The  sound  is  taken  from  Cypriote.  The  pic- 
torial meaning  of  the  sign  is  not  clear. 

No.  36.  MI.  The  sound  is  taken  from  the  Cypriote.  The 
sign  may  represent  two  hills.     See  Nos.  34  and  ill. 

No.  27-  MO.  The  kteis,  mentioned  by  Herodotus  (ii.  106)  as 
occurring  on  Syrian  monuments.  The  cuneiform  emblem 
is  the  same,  and  is  the  determinative  for  "woman."     Its 


220  APPENDIX    IV. 

sounds  are  muk,  sal,  rak,  &c.  The  sound  mo  belongs  to 
the  Cypriote  emblem. 

No.  38.  MU.  A  tree,  sometimes  with  fruit  shown,  sometimes 
without.  In  the  Ugric  languages  mu  is  a  word  for  "  tree." 
The  cuneiform  mu  may  also  be  supposed  to  be  a  tree. 
The  sound  is  taken  from  the  Cypriote. 

No.  39.  AM.  The  bull  (see  No.  27),  but  somewhat  differently 
represented  with  larger  horns.  The  cuneiform  sound  am 
is  usually  represented,  not  by  the  simple  sign  for  bull,  but 
with  the  sign  kur,  country,  inside,  and  meaning  the  wild 
bull  (rendered  rimu  in  Assyrian),  which  was  found  till 
the  seventh  century  in  Assyria.  Its  bones  (Bos  primi- 
genius)  occur  in  bone-caves  near  Beirut.  The  sign  may 
also  have  the  sound  au,  as  the  m,  v,  and  u  are  little 
distinguished  in  Akkadian. 

No.  40.  IM.  This  seems  at  present  missing  in  Hittite.  The 
cuneiform  sign  is  supposed  to  be  a  "sail,"  and  im  meant 
"wind."  In  Egyptian  we  find  the  sign  "sail"  for 
"breath.''  It  is  remarkable  that  in  Hittite  there  seems 
to  be  no  sign  for  sea,  or  for  fish,  and  only  a  doubtful  one 
(No.  119)  for  boat.  They  were  an  inland  people.  The 
Sumerians  had  all  these  four  signs. 

No.  41.  UM.  This  is  a  tablet  or  monument.  The  cuneiform 
has  also  the  sounds  dub  and  mus,  and  signifies  "docu- 
ment," "tablet,"  &c. 

No.  42.  NA.  This  seems  to  be  a  compound,  and  is  a  rare 
sign.  In  Akkadian  na  means  "to  go  forward"  (and 
apparently  in  Minyan  also),  while  the  foot  is  here  shown 
moving  forward.     The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote. 

No.  43.  NE.  Another  phallic  sign.  The  cuneiform  sign  na 
is  believed  to  be  also  of  this  character.  Na  signifies 
"  he  "  in  the  ancient  and  in  the  modern  Mongol  languages. 
The  sound  ?ie  is  from  the  Cypriote. 

No.  44.  NI.  The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote.  The  sign  is 
not  common,  but  on  the  Babylonian  bowl  it  has  exactly 
the  Cypriote  form.     The  pictorial  meaning  is  not  clear. 

No.  45.  NO.  This  is  not  yet  known  in  Hittite  texts.  It  may 
stand  for  the  negative  (Akkadian  mi).  The  cuneiform 
sign  means  "opposition";  its  ordinary  values  are  kur 
(probably  "  contrary "),  and  bab  or  pap,  against.  The 
Cypriote  has  the  sound  no. 

No.  46.  NU,  NUN.  The  cuneiform  sign  signifies  "prince." 
The  Cypriote  may  be  derived  from  the  tiara,  which  on 
the  Hittite  texts  appears  to  stand  for  "king." 

No.  47.  AN.  The  sign  is  a  star.  It  occurs  in  Cypriote  with 
the  sounds  a  and  an.  The  cuneiform  is  the  same,  and 
a  five-rayed  star  occurs  also  in  Egypt,  sometimes  mean- 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  221 

ing  "  deity,"  though  not  the  usual  sign.  The  star  (A)i) 
in  cuneiform  is  the  determinative  for  deity.  On  one  of 
the  Hittite  seals  from  Aiclin,  in  Lydia,  a  deity  sits  on  a 
throne  marked  with  a  star  (the  compound  emblem  throne 
and  star  stands  for  Bel  in  cuneiform).  In  this  case  the 
determinative  for  deity  appears  to  be  established  for  the 
Hittite. 

No.  48.  EN.  The  throne.  In  cuneiform  it  means  "lord," 
and  is  probably  also  so  used  in  Hittite. 

No.  49.  IN.  The  Hittite  is  compared  with  the  cuneiform— 
a  vase  with  plants.  The  Cypriote  has  the  sounds  i  and 
in,  but  the  comparison  may  be  doubtful. 

No.  50.  UN.  The  Cypriote  has  the  sounds  //  and  un.  This 
is  another  word  for  "  lord,"  and  may  be  represented  by 
the  tall  cap. 

No.  51.  PA,  BA.  In  Cypriote  the  sign  has  both  sounds.  In 
cuneiform  it  \s  pa  and  pam,  pa?/  or  pan.  It  appears  to  be 
a  plant  with  leaves,  but  is  used  for  the  verb  "to  proclaim." 
Pa  is  also  supposed  to  mean  "leaf"  or  "plant"  in 
Akkadian. 

No.  52,  PE,  BE.  The  sound  is  from  Cypriote.  The  meaning 
of  the  emblem  is  uncertain.  It  may  be  an  augur's  crook, 
from  the  root  ib,  or  61,  bend,  bind ;  or  perhaps  an  outline 
of  the  "ear" — Akkadian//,  ear. 

No.  53.  PI,  BI.  The  Hittite  sign  is  a  suffix  to  nouns.  The 
Cypriote  may  represent  two  small  crooks  or  hooks  (see 
No.  52).  It  appears  to  stand  for  the  nominative  definite 
("the").     Both  sounds  belong  to  the  Cypriote  emblem. 

No.  54.  PU,  BU.  The  bud.  The  sounds  are  from  the  Cy- 
priote. The  cuneiform  emblem  is  the  same.  The  root 
pu  signifies  "  to  grow,"  hence  "  to  be  long."  The  cunei- 
form sign  is  also  used  for  "young,"  and  pu  is  a  common 
word  for  growing  things.  In  Finnic/////  is  a  "child." 
In  some  variants  of  this  sign  the  stalk  is  longer  than  in 
others.     This  variation  also  is  found  in  the  Cypriote///. 

No.  55.  RA.  The  Cypriote  sign  shown  represents  the  most 
complete  examples:  it  was  more  rudely  sketched  later, 
with  a  single  vertical  line.  This  sign  presents  the  same 
variants  in  Hittite.  As  shown  at  Iasili-Kaia,  it  seems  to 
represent  a  human  figure  with  a' large  head.  It  occurs 
on  Phoenician  and  other  monuments  (as  far  west  as  Car- 
thage) as  a  luck  sign.  The  cuneiform  sign  eri  means  a 
common  man,  a  "slave,"  or  a  "worshipper."  In  Turkish 
er  is  the  common  word  for  "man." 

No.  56.  RE.  The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote.  The  sign  may 
represent  rays  descending  from  the  firmament.  In  Ak- 
kad  ian  ri  means  "  bright "  and  "  high,"  and  also  "  servant " 


222  APPENDIX    IV. 

(like  eri,  see  No.  55).  The  cuneiform  sign  is  ri,  ku, 
bright,  precious. 

No.  57.  RI.  The  comparison  with  both  Cypriote  and  cunei- 
form seems  to  establish  the  sound.  The  meaning  of  the 
sign  pictorially  is  not  clear.  The  compound  (No.  60)  also 
confirms  this  view.  The  cuneiform  sign  means  "bright," 
"high,"  "firmament,"  &c.  It  has  also  the  sounds  tal,  di, 
es,  and  sa. 

No.  58.  RO.  Probably  a  spear-head.  The  sound  is  from  the 
Cypriote.  The  cuneiform  rfi  or  rum  signifies  a  cutting 
instrument,  "sword,"  "plough,"  &c.  The  broadsword 
shown  on  some  Hittite  sculptures  has  a  blade  like  this 
sign.  The  cuneiform  has  also  the  sounds  gir,  to  cut 
(Turkish  chir),  and  at,  probably  "to  strike,"  or  "to  hurl" 
(Turkish  at,  it). 

No.  59.  RU.  The  sound  is  from  Cypriote,  and  the  emblem  is 
found  exactly  on  some  of  the  more  sketchy  incised  Hittite 
texts.     The  pictorial  meaning  is  not  evident. 

No.  60.  AR.  A  combination  of  No.  57  and  No.  65.  It  only 
occurs  once.  The  common  sign  for  ar  in  cuneiform 
presents  the  same  combination. 

No.  61.  ER,  ERI.  The  sound  is  taken  from  the  bilingual 
boss  of  Tarkutimme.  The  cuneiform  ir  may  be  the 
same.  It  signifies  "fruit"  and  "spoil,"  and  is  rendered 
sukal  apparently  in  Akkadian.  The  emblem  may  repre- 
sent a  basket  for  fruit.  In  Egyptian  the  fruit-basket  is  a 
well-known  sign. 

No.  62.  UR.  The  cuneiform  sign  represents  a  foot  or  hoof, 
and  has  that  meaning.  This  foot  is  turned  in  the  oppo- 
site direction  to  No.  78  (perhaps  a/,  see  No.  31). 

No.  63.  SA.  The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote.  It  represents 
a  sickle  or  other  cutting  instrument.  The  roots  sa,  sar, 
and  sap  have  the  meaning  "cut"  in  Mongol  speech. 

No.  64.  SE.  The  extended  hand.  In  Akkadian  se,  sev,  and 
sevi  mean  "to  give,"  "to  be  favourable"  (Turkish  sev, 
favour),  and  hence  "to  be  well  inclined"  to  any  one. 
The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote.  The  hand  is  extended 
as  a  mark  of  favour  on  many  bas-reliefs  and  gems. 

No.  65.  SI.  The  sound  from  the  Cypriote  is  confirmed  by  the 
cuneiform  comparison,  the  sign  in  the  latter  script  mean- 
ing "see"  (Akkadian  and  old  Medic),  "eye,"  &c.  It  has 
also  the  sound  igi,  probably  for  "  eye,"  from  the  root  ak  or 
ik,  to  see.  The  Hittite  may  represent  an  eye.  It  is  used 
sometimes  syllabically,  but  often  (at  the  top  of  a  line)  is 
apparently  a  determinative.  The  Akkadian  si,  Medic  sia, 
a  place,  may  show  this  to  be  the  sign  of  place  in  Hittite. 

No.  66.  SO.     The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote  comparison. 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  223 

The  sign  represents  a  sceptre  or  plant  held  in  the  hand, 
and  appears  to  indicate  "power."  In  Akkadian  su  has 
that  meaning.  The  cuneiform  sign  has  the  sounds  sul 
and  nun,  meaning  "power,"  "lord,"  &c. 

No.  67.  SU.  This  is  perhaps  only  a  variant  of  the  preceding. 
The  cuneiform  sign  compared  has  the  sound  su. 

No.  68.  AS.  It  is  doubtful  if  this  is  found  in  Hittite.  The 
meaning  of  the  cuneiform  sign  is  obscure.  The  sign  for 
"one"  (see  No.  3)  has  also  the  sound  as  in  Akkadian. 

No.  69.  ES.  The  sign  for  "  No.  3,"  but  with  a  stroke  to  show 
the  difference.  It  appears  to  be  used  for  "many,"  and  as 
a  syllable.  The  Akkadian  es  or  cssa,  three,  is  found  as 
us  in  some  of  the  Turkish  dialects. 

No.  70.  IS.  The  sound  is  taken  from  the  bilingual  seal  in 
the  Ashmolean.  The  sign  is  the  head  of  an  ass.  In 
Turkish  isik  or  esek  is  the  "ass."  The  name  of  this 
animal  is  supposed  to  occur  widely  with  similar  sounds, 
such  as  ass,  asinus,  &c,  in  Aryan  speech,  and  athon  in 
Hebrew. 

No.  71.  US.  Apparently  a  monumental  stone.  In  Akkadian 
we  have  us,  basis  (Turkish  es).  The  cuneiform  sign  sig- 
nifies "male";  and  in  like  manner,  in  Semitic  speech, 
zikr  is  both  a  "  male"  and  a  "  memorial."  In  some  cases 
in  the  Hittite  this  sign  is  attached  to  personal  names  or 
titles.  It  appears  to  be  used  as  the  determinative  of  such 
names. 

No.  72.  DA.  The  Cypriote  does  not  distinguish  d  from  /  (see 
No.  76),  and  the  same  applies  to  a  certain  extent  in  Ak- 
kadian. The  emblem  is  the  hand  raised  in  the  attitude 
of  taking  an  oath — as  shown  on  seals,  &c. — and  is  the 
same  as  in  the  cuneiforn  da,  which  means  "to  compel." 

No.  72,-  DE.  The  Hittite  sign  is  a  flame,  and  is  compared 
with  the  cuneiform  de,  a  flame,  the  latter  emblem  having 
other  sounds,  such  as  bil,  ne,  &c,  also  meaning  "fire" 
(compare  the  altar-flame  in  No.  92). 

No.  74.  DI,  DIM.  The  sound  is  taken  from  the  bilingual 
boss  of  Tarkudimme.  The  cuneiform  di,  div,  dim  ap- 
pears to  be  the  same.  The  pictorial  meaning  is  uncer- 
tain. The  sign  is  explained  by  various  abstract  terms, 
such  as  "peace,"  "rest,"  &c.  ;  but  none  of  them  shows  its 
origin — perhaps  a  "seal." 

No.  75.  DU,  RA.  The  foot.  It  is  used  for  "go,"  "come," 
"become,"  &c,  and  is  clearly  the  same  as  the  cuneiform. 
There  is  a  variant  showing  the  leg,  both  in  cuneiform  and 
in  Hittite,  which  has  the  same  sounds,  but  seems  more 
particularly  used  for  "go,"  while  the  foot  is  simply  a 
syllable. 


224  APPENDIX    IV. 

No.  76.  TA,  DA.  The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote.  The 
hand  and  stick  probably  mean  "beat,"  "compel,"  as  in 
Egyptian.  The  root  da,  tan,  in  Akkadian  means  "to 
drive,"  "to  cause"  (Turkish  at,  drive). 

No.  77.  TE,  DE.  The  sound  is  from  Cypriote,  te  and  de  not 
being  distinguished.  The  emblem  appears  to  show  grass 
or  a  sprout.  The  word  te  signifies  "to  grow,"  "to  be- 
come," in  Akkadian.  The  cuneiform  has  the  sound  te, 
but  the  comparison  is  doubtful. 

No.  78.  TI,  DI,  TIL.  The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote  (//,  di). 
The  cuneiform  is  an  arrow  with  the  sounds  ti,  til;  it  is 
used  for  the  word  "  life  "  (///  and  tin  in  Akkadian,  Turkish 
///,  live  ;  tin,  life). 

No.  79.  TO,  TUK.  The  sounds  to  and  do  belong  to  the 
Cypriote.  The  cuneiform  sign  tnk,  to  take,  have,  possess, 
is  apparently  the  same  as  the  Hittite,  representing  the 
hand  taking  hold  (Turkish  tck,  touch). 

No.  80.  TU,  TUM.  The  sounds  tu  and  du  belong  to  the 
Cypriote  sign.  The  cuneiform  tit,  tiro,  turn  closely  re- 
sembles the  Hittite,  and  means  "to  make,"  "found," 
"be,"  "protect." 

No.  81.  AD,  AT.  The  two  legs  opposed.  Compare  the  Turk- 
ish at,  to  stride.  The  cuneiform  at  may  also  represent 
the  legs  striding.  The  sign  is  used  for  "father"  in  Ak- 
kadian (Turkish  ata,  father). 

No.  82.  ID,  IT.  The  sign  is  rare  in  Hittite.  In  cuneiform 
it  is  found  on  a  list  of  very  ancient  signs  with  the  meaning 
"  hand."  The  more  usual  cuneiform  sign  for  id  is  a  com- 
pound from  No.  72,  da.  Id  also  means  "  power,"  hence 
the  closed  fist  is  represented  in  the  Hittite,  a  common 
gesture  in  the  East  for  "  strength  " — as  indeed  in  England. 

No.  83.  UD,  UT.  The  Hittite  emblem  is  found  both  as  a 
lozenge  and  as  a  circle,  with  distinguishing  marks  the 
same  in  both.  The  cuneiform  sign  stands  for  the  sun, 
and  has  many  sounds.  Ud,  day  (Mongolian  udi,  day) ; 
tarn,  sun  ;  par,  bright  (Turkish  bor,  white) ;  lakh,  bright ; 
k/iis,  glowing  (Turkish  k/iis,  glow) ;  sal  or  sal,  shining 
(Turkish  chal,  shine,  Finnic,  sal);  also  sam,  probably 
"sun."  Hence  the  names  of  the  Kassite  god  Sam  for  the 
sun,  and  of  the  goddess  Sala,  the  shiner.  The  same 
sounds  may  apply  to  the  Hittite  sun-emblem. 

No.  84.  VE  or  ME.  The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote,  but 
the  pictorial  meaning  is  doubtful. 

No.  85.  VO  or  MO.  The  sound  is  from  the  Cypriote.  The 
emblem  is  a  head,  and  may  represent  the  Akkadian  mu 
or  vu,  to  regard. 

No.  86.  ZA.     Four  strokes,  "  No.  4."     The  cuneiform  stands 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  225 

for  the  numeral,  with  the  sound  za  or  sa.  In  the  Yenessei 
Mongolian  sheya  is  "four." 

No.  87.  ZO.  The  Cypriote  sound  is  given.  The  cuneiform 
has  the  sounds  suv  or  st(?/i,  also  linn  or  Inv,  and  khuv  or 
khinn.  The  pictorial  meaning  is  not  clear.  Perhaps 
"lightning"  is  intended.  The  word  luv  probably  means 
"to  burn"  (old  Medic  luva),  and  su  means  "fire"  in 
various  Mongol  dialects. 

No.  88.  ZU.  The  sign  appears  to  represent  a  stepped  pyra- 
mid. In  cuneiform  it  has  the  sounds  zu  and  la.  There 
is  no  known  sound  for  zi  in  Cypriote,  and  the  cuneiform 
zi  does  not  seem  to  be  recognisable  in  Hittite. 

Thus  far  we  have  85  Hittite  signs  (in  absence  of  kha, 
im,  and  no)  for  simple  syllables,  including  all  those  com- 
monly used  in  Cypriote.  In  58  cases  they  compare  with 
the  cuneiform.  Others  might  be  established  if  the  pic- 
torial meanings  of  the  signs  were  more  clearly  indicated 
in  the  two  systems.  We  now  proceed  to  consider  the 
"  closed  "  syllables  and  "  ideograms,"  which  are  not  used 
in  Cypriote  with  a  few  exceptions. 

No.  89.  AGU  or  AKA.  The  cuneiform  sign  represents  a  hut 
with  fire  inside,  but  the  meaning  is  "high,"  "exalted." 
The  Hittite  sign  only  occurs  twice.  The  sign  may  signify 
a  shining  head-dress  or  crown,  connected  with  aha  or 
aga,  chief  ("high"  or  "illustrious,"  from  ak,  "high"  and 
"bright,"  as  in  Turkish),  and  may  be  compared  with  the 
Turkish  agha,  chief.  The  name  Aku  for  the  Moon-god 
also  means  "the  shiner."  The  sound  ram  also  belongs 
to  this  cuneiform  emblem,  but  is  probably  Semitic,  mean- 
ing "height" — whence  the  places  called  Ramah  in  the 
Bible. 

No.  90.  AGU.  Perhaps  a  variant  of  the  preceding.  The 
sound  is  conjectural,  but  the  sign  seems  to  be  a  derivative 
from  No.  16,  Ko,  having  a  cross  within  it  (No.  92)  which 
has  the  sound  bar,  meaning  "shining."  The  words  ega, 
aka,  agu,  crown  (see  No.  91),  may  be  connected,  all  these 
signs  meaning  "  high,"  and  when  connected  with  included 
emblems  for  light,  "illustrious"  (Turkish  ak,  high  ;  ak, 
bright). 

No.  91.  AMA.  This  seems  also  to  represent  some  kind  of 
high  head-dress.  It  is  compared  with  the  cuneiform  sign 
ame,  ega,  or  1/11'r,  signifying  "crown  "  or  "turban." 

No.  92.  BAR.     The  Hittite  sign  seems  to  represent  an  altar 

P 


226  APPENDIX    IV. 

with  a  flame  on  it.  It  is  compared  with  the  cuneiform 
sign  bar,  also  having  the  sound  sar,  and  meaning  "altar," 
"sacrifice,"  as  well  as  "king"  or  "prince."  The  Hittite 
is  too  common  to  be  merely  used  pictorially,  and  is  ap- 
parently employed  as  a  syllable  for  bar,  to  be.  The  words 
bar  or  par  (bright)  in  Akkadian,  and  sar  (bright),  which 
is  the  Turkish  sara,  bright,  are  explained  by  the  emblem 
which  represents  the  fire  kindled  on  the  altar. 

No.  93.  BAR.  The  cuneiform  sign  has  also  the  sound  mas, 
and  signifies  "division,"  "half."  It  is  used  for  several 
abstract  terms,  such  as  bar,  people ;  bar,  future ;  mas, 
spirit,  &c. ;  and  for  the  god  Bar,  otherwise  called  Mas, 
bright,  KM,  holy,  and  Ninib,  the  lord,  which  in  the 
Semitic  translation  is  Bel,  lord,  and  Adar,  illustrious. 
This  is  a  good  instance  of  how  far  from  the  original 
meaning  the  later  signification  of  a  sign  may  be.  It  ap- 
pears to  indicate,  by  a  cross,  something  cut  in  two.  For 
the  meanings  given  we  may  compare  the  Turkish  bar, 
live;  bar,  people;  bor,  white  or  shining;  and  for  mas  we 
have  bis,  to  divide ;  for  mas,  illustrious,  bas,  high.  The 
sign  is  much  used  in  cuneiform,  but  very  rare  in  Hittite. 

No.  94.  BUR.  A  bowl.  The  comparison  may  be  doubtful. 
The  Hittite  sign  is  only  as  yet  found  once.  The  sound 
pur,  to  pour  out,  may  be  connected. 

No.  95.  DAN.  The  emblem  resembles  those  carried  by  the 
gods  as  sceptres  at  lasili-Kaia.  It  seems  to  represent  some 
kind  of  branch.  In  the  Nimrud  gallery  of  the  British 
Museum  (No.  78)  is  a  priest  holding  a  branch  of  flowers 
(compare  Ezek.  viii.  17),  and  the  emblem  is  clearly  re- 
ligious. The  cuneiform  sign  has  the  sounds  dan,  kal, 
lab,  &c,  meaning  "  strong,"  "  great,"  "  heroic,"  &c.  (Com- 
pare Nos.  66,  67.) 

No.  96.  GA,  GAM.  The  sign  is  compared  with  a  rare  Cypri- 
ote emblem,  having  the  sounds /fo  and  ga.  In  Akkadian 
ga,  bend;  gam,  subdue,  conquer,1  may  be  compared 
(Turkish,  jam,  bend).  The  Hittite  sign  is  a  lituus  or 
crook.     Compare  No.  18. 

No.  97.  GAR,  ZA.  The  Hittite  sign  seems  to  be  a  quiver. 
The  cuneiform  gar,  sa,  za,  may  be  the  same,  signifying  a 
"receptacle"  or  "enclosure,"  and  also  used  for  the 
Semitic  irba,  four  {sa  in  Akkadian,  see  No.  86).  In 
Akkadian  us  is  a  "  quiver." 

No.  98.  GIZ,  IZ.  The  cuneiform  is  a  block  of  wood,  and 
used  as  the  determinative  for  vegetable  objects  (Turkish 

1  The  original  form  of  the  cuneiform  gam  is  unknown,  but  was 
probably  a  crook. 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  227 

ise,  stick).  Iz  also  signified  a  "record"  or  "proclama- 
tion "  in  Akkadian. 

No.  99.  GO,  GON.  The  sound  is  taken  from  a  rare  Cypriote 
sign.  The  hand  bears  a  "mace,"  like  those  noticed  in 
the  text  as  peculiar  sceptres  of  the  Hittites,  and  of  cog- 
nate tribes,  and  shown  on  their  monuments.  The  cune- 
iform sign  has  the  sounds  kun,  pa,  and  khat,  and  meant 
"sceptre."  It  was  also  used  for  khat,  dawn  (Finnic  and 
Akkadian).  The  words  go  and  gon  signified  "royalty" 
(Akkadian,  ku,  ge,  kun,  khu,  khun,  kha,  khan,  kan,  are 
all  words  for  "prince"  :  Turkish,  kan,  khan,  chief).  The 
word  kun  also  meant  "  day,"  "  dawn  "  (Turkish,  gun,  day), 
and  pa  apparently  a  "stick." 

No.  100.  GU.  The  Hittite  is  a  head  differing  from  No.  85, 
and  commonly  used  as  a  verb  at  the  end  of  texts.  The 
cuneiform  has  the  sounds  gu,  ka,  die,  &c,  and  means 
"face,"  "mouth,"  "speak,"  &c.  (Turkish  chau,  call  out). 
In  Mongolian  we  find  agui,  mouth  ;  ge,  speak  ;  and  in 
Finnish  kai,  cry  out;  ki,  speech.  That  the  cuneiform 
represented  a  head  is  shown  by  No.  129,  of  which  it  is  a 
modification. 

No.  101.  GUG.  The  ram's  head.  In  cuneiform  the  sign  has 
the  meaning  "ram"  or  "sheep,"  and  appears  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  well-known  symbol  for  Aries.  In  Turkish 
koch  is  "ram."  Gnk  also  in  Akkadian  meant  "to  make 
war,"  "to  fight." 

No.  102.  GUR,  GA.  The  Hittite  sign  is  rare.  The  cuneiform 
has  the  sounds  gur  and  ga,  but  the  meaning  is  not  clear. 
The  comparison  is  doubtful. 

No.  103.  This  seems  to  be  a  compound  of  No.  3  (I),  and  No. 
18  (AK).  It  is  used  as  a  prefix,  and  seems  to  be  the  con- 
junction.    In  old  Medic  iak  means  "and." 

No.  104.  KAR.  The  original  meaning  of  the  cuneiform  is 
not  known. 

No.  105.  KAR  or  KIR.  Apparently  a  fortress  with  two  doors. 
Sometimes  (as  also  in  cuneiform)  roads  are  marked  up  to 
the  doors.  It  clearly  signifies  an  enclosure.  The  cunei- 
form sign  has  many  sounds  (kit;  gar,  khil,  &c),  meaning 
"enclosure,"  and  it  forms  compounds  showing  its  char- 
acter (see  No.  157).     In  Mongolian  gar  means  "house." 

No.  106.  KAS.  A  knife  or  dagger.  The  cuneiform  emblem 
is  apparently  a  sword  (kas  or  gas),  and  means  "to  smite," 
"slay." 

No.  107.  KAS.  The  cuneiform  kas  has  also  the  sound  bi,  and 
means  "  two."     Turkish  kos,  a  pair. 

No.  108.  KAT.  The  sound  is  conjectural.  The  hand  in  this 
attitude  is  shown  on  monuments,  apparently  meaning  "  to 


228  APPENDIX    IV. 

be  propitious."  In  Egyptian  the  attitude  has  the  same 
meaning.  Akkadian  kat,  hand  (Finnic  kat,  hand), 
and  kat,  good  fortune  (Turkish  hhut,  luck).  The  sign  is 
a  rare  one. 

No.  109.  KAZIN.  The  emblem  is  a  hare,  and  may  be  used 
to  mean  "swift."  In  Akkadian  kazin  or  kasinua  is  the 
hare  (a  word  curiously  like  the  Sanskrit  cacin  for  the 
"hare,"  from  the  root  kas,  to  speed).  The  sign  only 
occurs  once  on  the  Mer'ash  lion. 

No.  no.  KIP.     The  cuneiform  is  used  for  "region." 

No.  in.  KUR.  Mountains.  The  cuneiform  signifies  "moun- 
tain" and  "country,"  and  a  similar  sign  for  "land"  is 
used  in  Egyptian.  In  Turkish  we  find  kera,  land,  and  in 
Finnic  kor,  mountain. 

No.  112.  KURU.  This  is  a  compound  of  Nos.  65  and  83. 
In  cuneiform  it  has  the  sound  kuru,  and  means  either  an 
"overseer"  (from  kur,  lord)  or  "propitious."  It  may  also 
be  read  si-lakh,  "  of  glorious  appearance  "  (contrast  si-ia; 
No  114,  "of  vile  appearance"). 

No.  113.  KHIR.  The  sound  is  provisional,  meaning  "to 
write."  The  emblem  shows  the  graving  tool  in  the 
hand. 

No.  114.  KHUL.  The  sign  is  a  demon's  head  with  long  ears 
— in  one  case  a  goat's  horn  —  and  with  a  protruding 
tongue.  It  evidently  means  an  evil  being,  demon,  enemy, 
&c.  (Turkish  ghoul,  devil).  The  cuneiform  sign  is  pro- 
bably not  the  same,  but  a  compound  of  si,  appearance, 
and  ur  or  lig,  dog.  It  has  the  sound  khul,  meaning 
"bad,"  "enemy,"  &c. 

No.  115.  LIG.  The  head  of  a  clog  with  lolling  tongue. 
The  cuneiform  lig,  "  dog,"  ur,  probably  "  lion,"  and  fas 
(contender),  means  also  "enemy" — the  Asiatics,  like  the 
Egyptians,  always  calling  their  enemies  "  dogs." 

No.  116.  LIT,  LAT.  The  cuneiform  is  a  sign  for  "month," 
and  for  Ah,  probably  "  moon."  It  has  the  sounds  ab  and 
u  as  well. 

No.  117.  LU.  Compare  No.  29.  The  cuneiform  sign  means 
"  tablet,"  and  is  also  used  for  dib,  tablet ;  ///,  flock  ;  dib, 
sheep,  and  for  "spoil,"  &c. 

No.  118.  LUL.  This  only  occurs  once,  and  the  sound  is 
provisional.  It  seems  to  be  a  fawn's  head.  In  Akkadian 
lul  is  a  "  deer  "  and  a  "  ruler." 

No.  119.  MA.  The  cuneiform  sign  for  a  ship.  Its  occurrence 
on  one  Hittite  seal  is  doubtful. 

No.  120.  MAKH.  A  person  seated,  and  in  one  case  perhaps 
holding  a  sceptre.  In  cuneiform  the  sign  has  this  sound, 
and  means  "great"  and  "prince"  (Turkish  makh,  great). 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  229 

No.  121.  ME.  The  cuneiform  sign  of  this  sound  signifies 
"battle,"  representing  two  foes  and  a  central  object  of 
dispute.  The  Hittite  shows  two  devils  or  foes  (No.  114) 
round  a  city  (No.  153),  signifying  either  "battle"  or 
"siege."     There  is  a  similar  emblem  in  Egyptian. 

No.  122.  ME.  The  sign  is  found  on  the  bilingual  boss  of 
Tarkutimme  with  this  sound.  In  old  Babylonian  a  group 
of  four  strokes  stands  for  the  plural,  and  in  Egyptian 
three  strokes  have  the  same  meaning.  The  Hittite 
differs  from  No.  86.  It  is  a  suffix,  and  as  numerals 
precede  nouns  it  cannot  mean  "  four."  The  sound  me 
for  the  plural  (as  well  as  ue  or  e?ie)  occurs  in  the  Ak- 
kadian. 

No.  123.  MI.  The  Hittite  sign  occurs  only  once.  The 
cuneiform  comparison  is  doubtful.  The  latter  sign  means 
"dark,"  "night,"  the  "west,"  and  has  also  the  sound  ^, 
shade,  sunset,  illness  (Turkish  kiche,  evening ;  Finnic 
kice,  ill). 

No.  124.  NUM.  The  head  probably  of  a  wolf.  The  cunei- 
form num,  nim,  means  "wolf,"  but  is  also  used  for 
"  high,"  "heaven"  (Samoyed  num,  heaven),  and  for  num, 
to  engrave. 

No.  125.  RA.  The  cuneiform  sign  ra,  so,  means  "to  irrigate," 
and  shows  a  field  and  a  water-channel.  It  is  also  used 
for  ra,  to  enlarge,  to  possess.  The  Hittite  sign  may  have 
the  same  meaning. 

No.  126.  RAT,  SIT.  Only  found  doubtfully  on  one  Hittite 
seal.     The  cuneiform  has  the  meaning  of  an  "arc." 

No.  127.  RIM.  The  cuneiform  sign,  which  has  also  the 
sounds  cabar  and  imi,  means  "mound,"  "heap";  hence 
"sum,"  "price,"  and  also  "to  descend."  The  pictorial 
meaning  is  not  clear.     Only  twice  found  in  Hittite. 

No.  128.  SA.  The  centre,  heart,  middle,  within.  The  cunei- 
form sign  has  other  sounds,  sini  and  lib  as  well  as  sa. 
The  sign  is  very  rare  in  Hittite. 

No.  129.  SAK.  Head.  The  cuneiform  sak  means  "head," 
"  face,"  "  chief,"  or  "  first."  It  is  also  used  as  an  Akkadian 
prefix  for  "condition,"  like  our  "-head"  or  "-hood." 
In  old  Medic  sak  is  "son"  (perhaps  Finnic  sakko,  off- 
spring, or  meaning  "the  eldest  son"). 

No.  130.  SAKH.  Both  the  Hittite  and  the  cuneiform  emblem 
appear  to  represent  the  sacred  tree,  or  trellise,  of  the 
Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  so  common  on  seals  and  bas- 
reliefs.  The  sound  sak/i  means  "good  "  (in  Akkadian  and 
Turkish),  and  is  rendered  in  Semitic  speech  ashcr,  good, 
holy,  upright.  The  emblem  is  the  Semitic  ashcrah.  No 
doubt  the  name  Tin-Tir  or  "  Life  Tree  "  would  also  apply. 


230  APPENDIX    IV. 

The  Hittite  sign  occurs  with  No.  65,  si  (place),  and  with 
No.  71,  us  (man),  and  appears  to  be  sometimes  geo- 
graphical. It  would  therefore  probably  represent  the  old 
"  Holy  City,"  or  "  City  of  the  Tree  of  Life  "  ;  names  for 
Babylon. 

No.  131.  SAR.  This  is  a  king's  head.  The  word  sar  appears 
to  be  Akkadian,  though  used  by  Semitic  people  (Assyrian 
and  Canaanite  sarru,  found  also  in  Egyptian  as  sar — a 
loan  word) :  it  is  no  doubt  connected  with  sar  and  sir,  to 
command.  The  sound  is  not  important.  The  cuneiform 
sign  has  also  the  sounds  ungal,  great  chief,  and  lugal, 
great  man. 

No.  132.  SAR.  The  cuneiform  has  the  sounds  sar  and  khir, 
and  signifies  "growth  of  trees  and  plants"  (in  a  field  or 
enclosure):  it  is  also  used  for  "enclosure,"  "writing," 
"  name,"  "  repel,"  "  green,"  &c,  from  the  sounds  of  the 
words  khir,  surround  (Turkish  khar) ;  khir,  write  (Turkish 
khir,  cut)  ;  khir,  repel  (Turkish  khar) ;  sar,  yellow  or 
bright  (Turkish  sara,  bright,  and  other  Mongol  words  for 
"yellow,"  "golden,"  green,"  &c.)  Probably  khar,  write, 
was  one  sound,  as  in  Minyan,  for  instance. 

No.  133.  SET.  The  emblem  is  only  twice  known,  and  as  it 
appears  to  have  a  long  tail  it  cannot  be  a  variant  of  No. 
109  (the  hare),  but  is  so  like  the  ordinary  Egyptian  em- 
blem of  Set  that  it  may  be  supposed  to  be  the  name  of 
that  deity. 

No.  134.  SHI.  Compared  with  a  rare  Cypriote  form.  It 
appears  to  represent  antlers — Akkadian  shi,  horn.  The 
cuneiform  sign  (see  No.  136)  is  not  apparently  the  same, 
unless,  as  here  supposed,  two  signs  are  to  be  distinguished 
— the  one  here  given  representing  either  a  ram's  horn  or 
an  elephant's  tusk  (also  shi).  The  sign  is  used  in  cunei- 
form also  for  "blue,"  "ivory,"  and  "establish."  The  first 
would  have  the  sound  gug  ("  ram  "  and  "  blue  "  ;  Turkish 
koch,  ram,  and  kiieuk,  blue).  It  is  also  used  for  "enemy" 
{gug,  to  contend)  and  for  "sky"  (see  "blue" — from  the 
root  kuk,  to  be  arched),  and  again  for  "prince,"  and  with 
the  sound  shig  for  "establish." 

No.  135.  SHI.  The  comparison  is  with  the  Lycian  ch  or  sh 
(also  having  the  sound  xsi).  The  Hittite  sign  is  rare  :  it 
appears  to  be  a  tooth,  which  is  also  probably  an  Akkadian 
word. 

No.  136.  SIG.  The  cuneiform  sign  (distinguished  from  No. 
134)  has  the  sounds  si,  sig,  or  shi,  shi^,  and  means  "  open  " 
and  "fill." 

No.  137.  SIR.  This  seems  to  be  a  sign  formed  from  No.  36, 
by  adding  horizontal  lines.     It  is  rare  in  Hittite.     The 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  23 1 

cuneiform  sit,  sir,  is  compared,  but  the  original  inten- 
tion of  the  sign  is  not  explained  by  its  use  for  "skin," 
"body,"  "add,"&c. 

No.  138.  SIS.  Only  once  found  in  Hittite  as  yet.  It  seems 
to  be  a  child,  and  is  like  the  Chinese  sign  for  "baby." 
The  cuneiform  sis  or  ur  means  "a  brother,"  "a  helper," 
and  also  "light"  {ur). 

No.  139.  SU.  The  hand  with  palm  upwards.  In  cuneiform 
the  sign  has  the  sounds  sit,  gab,  and  kat,  meaning 
"hand,"  "  hollow,"  "  power,"  "benefit."  The  attitude  is 
that  of  holding  a  small  object,  or  of  submission  to  a 
superior.  Gab  for  the  "hollow"  of  the  hand,  kat,  hand  ; 
kat,  luck  (see  No.  108). 

No.  140.  TAKH.  Only  once  found  in  Hittite  on  the  Mer'ash 
lion.  The  cuneiform  sign  (with  a  variant  showing  two 
such  emblems)  has  the  sounds  takh,  tukh,  gab,  and  dit. 
It  means  many  things,  especially  "destroy"  and  "brick," 
but  also  "  front,"  "  breast,"  "  strike,"  "  deliver,"  "  establish," 
"rival,"  "raise,"  "remove,"  "strike,"  "transfer,"  and  "re- 
joice." Gab,  rejoice  (Turkish  khab)  ;  gab,  strike  (Turkish 
chap)  ;  takh,  establish  (Turkish  tokh,  make  firm). 

No.  141.  TAR.  The  deer's  head.  In  Akkadian  dara,1  deer. 
It  is  clearly  used  for  tar,  chief,  and  tribe.  On  the  bi- 
lingual boss  of  Tarkudimme  the  head  is  more  probably 
a  goat — with  a  beard.  But  on  all  the  other  Hittite  texts 
a  deer  is  represented  excepting  once. 

No.  142.  TAS.  A  lion's  head  on  seals.  The  cuneiform  sign 
stands  for  both  dog  (tig)  and  lion  (probably  ur),  and  for 
tas,  heroic.  The  lion  is  also  called  ur-makh,  big  dog. 
It  is  thought  that  the  Sumerians  lived  in  a  lionless  country 
originally. 

No.  143.  TIK.  The  Hittite  sign  is  rare.  The  cuneiform 
with  the  sounds  tik  and  gu,  meaning  "neck,"  "front,"  is 
used  for  abstract  words,  such  as  tik,  total  (Turkish  tek, 
complete);^//,  all  (Turkish  chom);  also  for  "bank,"  "side," 
"district,"  "battle."  The  original  idea  appears  to  be 
"  facing." 

No.  144.  TIM.  The  sheep's  head.  In  Akkadian  dib,  div, 
is  "sheep."  The  sign  occurs  at  Carchemish  in  the  name 
Tarkutimme. 

No.  145.  TIM.  A  chain.  The  cuneiform  has  the  sounds 
tint,  dim,  tiv,  ti,  meaning  "bond,"  "cable,"  "bundle" 
(Turkish  ton,  to  enclose). 

No.  146.  TIN.     A  two-handled  vase.     It  is  rare  in  Hittite. 

1  The  original  form  of  the  cuneiform  dara  is  not  known,  but  was 
probably  a  deer's  head. 


232  APPENDIX    IV. 

The  cuneiform  tin  has  only  one  handle.     It  appears  to 
be  one  of  the  pottery  buckets  lowered  into  wells.     It  is 
used  in  Akkadian  for  tin  and  din,  life,  family  (Turkish 
tin,  life). 
No.  147.  TUL.     Apparently  compounded  from  No.  16  by  en- 
closing vertical    strokes.     The   cuneiform  ////,   did,  and 
also  mid  signifies  "mound."     The  idea  of  "height"  is 
again  shown  by  the  cone. 
No.  148.  TUR.     This  stands  by  itself  on  a  seal.     The  cunei- 
form sign  tur  is  apparently  a  compound  of  ba,  shrine,  and 
nun,   prince.      It   may   represent   the   royal   abode,  and 
stands  for  "  rest"  or  "  habitation  "  (Akkadian  dm;  Turkish 
dur,  dwell). 
No.  149.    TUR,    DUM.      The    cuneiform    signifies    "child" 
(Turkish  toriio,  to  be  born).     The  emblem  seems  to  re- 
present two  buds,  but  the  meaning  is  doubtful.      Tur 
also  means   "small."      The  Hittite  sign   is  rare,  but  it 
occurs   in  a  sentence,   Yak  makh  yak  tur,  "  both  great 
and  small." 
No.  150.  UKU.     The  sign  is  indefinite.     It  may  be  a  plant 
of  some  kind.     It  only  occurs  twice  as  yet.     The  cunei- 
form is  also  very  indefinite.     It  is  used  for  "brick  "  and 
"  people,"  and  has  also  the  sounds  inur  and  num. 
No.  151.  U,  UN.     This  sign  is  very  like  the  Egyptian  emblem 
{pet)  for  "firmament,"  and  appears  to  be  a  determinative 
of  "superiority."     The  cuneiform   u,   un,   umun,   means 
"lord"  or  "king"  (Turkish  on,  high).     The  cuneiform 
sign  has  also  the  sounds  bur,  high  ;  ge,  prince  ;    and  u, 
prince. 
No.  152.  UN.     "No.  10."     The  cuneiform  has  the  meaning 
"ten,"  and  in  Egyptian  a  similar  hoop  stands  for  "ten." 
The  Hittite  sign  occurs  reduplicated  (as  does  the  cunei- 
form man  or  in,  twenty)  and  also  with  strokes  to  as  many 
as  eight.     It  is  clearly  a  numeral  (Turkish  on,  ten). 
No.  153.  UNU.     This  appears  to  be  a  modification  of  No.  10 
by  adding  strokes,  and   signifies  "many  houses."     The 
cuneiform  has  the  sounds  nnu,  lab,  and  rud,  and  means 
"  city,"  being  formed   in  the  same  way  (Turkish  unne, 
house). 
No.  154.  URU.     The  cuneiform  sign   is  supposed  to  mean 
a  "  seat."     With  the  sounds  uru,  vuru,  muru,  eri,  it  is 
the  sign  for  "city"  —  Turkish  auru,  an  "enclosure"  or 
"  camp"  of  a  tribe. 
No.  155.  US.     This  may  be  distinguished  from  No.  122,  as 
the  strokes  are  not  separated.     It  seems  to  be  the  cunei- 
form us,  vus,  or  mus,  signifying  a  "document,"  which  is 
often  confounded  with  the  sign  for  "place" — a  compound 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  233 

of  No.  105,  or  a  square  enclosure  with  the  sign  for  "  many  " 
inside. 

No.  156.  VO.  A  rare  Cypriote  and  a  rare  Hittite  sign.  Ap- 
parently a  kind  of  crook. 

No.  157.  ZAR.  A  compound  formed  from  No.  105.  Only 
once  as  yet  found  in  Hittite.  The  cuneiform  has  the 
sign  for  "corn"  inside  that  for  "enclosure,"  and  so  sig- 
nifies "store,"  with  the  sounds  zar  and  sar. 

No.  158.  No  sound  has  been  proposed  for  this  sign.  It  has 
evidently  the  meaning  of  "supplication,"  the  attitude 
being  that  of  all  supplicants  on  bas-reliefs  and  seals,  and 
that  still  used  all  over  the  East  by  supplicants.  The  sign 
is  used  only  as  a  noun.  For  purposes  of  transliteration 
it  may  be  marked  as  BIS  (Akkadian  bis,  reverence). 

No.  159.     Probably  only  a  variant  of  the  preceding. 

No.  160.  The  Cypriote  sign  is  rare  and  the  Hittite  is  doubt- 
ful. Apparently  a  "•  house "  like  the  cuneiform,  which 
has  the  sounds  c  (Turkish  cv),  ma  (place),  vial  (dwelling), 
ga  (house),  gal  (living).  E  means  not  only  "  house"  but 
"temple." 

No.  161.  This  sign  shows  two  figures  facing,  and  raising  the 
hand  in  the  attitude  of  No.  72.  There  is  a  similar  sign 
in  Egyptian  meaning  "alliance."  It  only  occurs  as  yet 
twice  in  Hittite.  It  may  be  the  word  for  allies,  or  even 
KHAT,  ally,  Hittite  (Turkish  kJiat,  connection). 

No.  162.  Probably  only  a  variant  of  No.  50,  u,  tin,  lord.  It  is 
not  a  common  sign. 

No.  163.  The  meaning  of  this  sign  is  not  clear — perhaps  the 
same  as  No.  153. 

No.  164.  Only  once  found.  It  is  the  head  of  a  beast,  but  not 
distinctive.  The  face  is  too  short  for  a  horse,  and  is  more 
like  a  camel.  It  may  stand  for  "beast"  only,  or  be  a 
variant  of  No.   144. 

No.  165.  Only  once  found.     Indeterminate. 

No.  166.  PAL  or  TAL,  an  axe,  compared  with  the  cuneiform 
sign  for  axe.  (Turkish  beil.  axe.)  It  is  used  for  "  time," 
"year"  (Turkish  bciyil),  and  other  words,  from  the  root 
"divide." 

No.  167.  This  is  a  "stop,"  and  is  used  to  show  divisions 
between  words.  It  is  very  useful  in  reading.  A  similar 
sign  in  cuneiform  is  sometimes  found.  It  requires  to 
be  carefully  noticed,  as  it  is  most  valuable  in  dividing 
words.  It  can  be  applied  to  any  sign,  and  is  usually 
made  to  join  that  to  which  it  refers. 

We  have  thus  considered  on  their  merits  all  the  signs 
found  on  known  texts,  except  a  few  variations  and  signs 


234  APPENDIX    IV. 

either  half  obliterated  or  imperfectly  copied  in  cases  where 
only  a  copy  is  available.  In  32  cases  the  sign  occurs  in 
both  cuneiform  and  Cypriote  with  the  same  sound  ;  in  4 
cases  the  Hittite  does  not  seem  to  have  been  yet  found  ;  in 
120  cases  the  comparison  is  with  cuneiform.  There  are 
only  some  40  out  of  160  Hittite  signs  which  do  not  seem 
to  be  cuneiform.  There  are  10  cases  where  the  emblem 
is  a  compound  found  both  in  Hittite  and  in  cuneiform, 
which  shows  a  marked  connection  between  the  systems. 

It  is  not  by  questioning  an  emblem  here  and  there  that 
such  a  method  can  be  controverted.  It  is  surely  impos- 
sible that  so  many  comparisons  can  be  found,  if  the  wrong 
system  and  wrong  language  have  been  taken  as  a  basis. 
The  results  are  confirmed  by  what  we  know  of  the  Hittite 
language  from  quite  independent  sources,  as  shown  in 
Appendix  II.,  and  by  the  languages  of  cognate  tribes. 

It  will  be  apparent  that  the  language  of  a  people  so  far 
advanced  in  civilisation  cannot  have  been  confined  to  160 
words.  Others  must  have  existed  to  at  least  400.  Hence 
the  system  is  not  a  picture-writing  but  a  syllabary,  with 
ideograms  and  "  keys  "  in  addition.  Words  were  made  in 
two  ways  :  (1)  Monosyllabic,  by  using  the  emblem,  as  in 
cuneiform,  for  its  sound  only,  without  reference  to  its 
original  picture  value.  Thus  abstract  ideas,  generally  cog- 
nate to  the  original  meaning,  are  formed.  (2)  Polysyllabic, 
words  spelt  in  syllables,  to  which  a  determinative  for 
"king,"  "lord,"  "god,"  "place,"  "country,"  "city," 
"town,"  "man,"  "woman,"  may  be  added,  these  keys, 
however,  being  also,  in  some  cases,  used  as  separate 
words  or  syllables,  generally  with  some  distinction  of 
position  or  otherwise. 

The  signs  may  be  grouped  as  follows  : — 

Syllables     112     (4  missing.     A?i,  en,  si,  us  also  are  keys). 

Ideograms    46     (12  are  compounds,  of  which  10  are  found  in  cuneiform). 

Keys       .         4     \kur,  sar,  un,  ?iru)  eight  in  all. 

Total       162     (Total  system  including  the  stop,  167). 

The  original  cuneiform,  or  "linear  Babylonian,"  as  it  is 


THE    HITTITE    SYLLABARY.  235 

called,  included  about  300  signs  in  all,  of  which  we  have 
only  accounted  for  120  in  this  list.  The  Hittite  system 
was  more  archaic,  and  had  fewer  compounds  than  that 
used  by  the  Sumerians.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that 
the  signs  not  compared  are  either  compounds  or  ideograms 
with  a  very  special  meaning.  The  simple  cuneiform  signs 
not  recognised  in  Hittite  are  about  40  in  all,  as  below. 
Some  of  these  may  be  found  in  future  texts. 

1.  Ak,  to  build.     A  sign  of  indefinite  character. 

2.  Muk,  building.     The  pictorial  meaning  is  not  clear. 

3.  Us,  man.     Of  this  eri  (No.  55)  is  a  variant. 

4.  Khas,  split.     Perhaps  a  six-rayed  star. 

5.  Zir,  meteor.     See  No.  25,  sir,  which  is  somewhat  like. 

6.  Nam,  a  swallow.     Used  for  the  syllable  nam. 

7.  Gun,  growth,  garden.     A  sign  not  clear  pictorially. 

8.  Ta.     Not  impossibly  a  compound  sign. 

9.  Gur.     Is  possibly  only  a  variant  of  No.  95,  dan. 

10.  Urud,  copper.     A  tablet,  or  a  vase,  of  metal. 

11.  Ip,  hero.     The  pictorial  meaning  is  obscure. 

12.  Tak,  brick.     A  special  emblem. 

13.  Gug,  tiger.     Also  special. 

14.  Sibir,  harvest.     A  corn-sheaf. 

1 5.  I,  bright.     Possibly  only  "  No.  5,"  or  else  "  rays." 

16.  Zag,  shrine.     An  altar-table. 

17.  Na,  yoke.     The  pictorial  meaning  is  obscure. 

iS.  Is.  A  bundle  of  strokes.     It  may  be  the  Hittite  No.  69. 

19.  Gal.     Either  a  "plume"  or  a  "key." 

20.  Dim  or  si.     Possibly  a  "ghost." 

21.  E  stands  for  "house,"  but  the  picture  is  obscure. 

22.  Lakh.     The  meaning  is  not  clear. 

23.  Sa.     Apparently  a  "web"  of  cloth. 

24.  Ge.     An  emblem  like  the  last ;  the  picture  is  obscure. 

25.  A'a,  gate.     A  house  with  open  doors. 

26.  A/a/,  papyrus.     A  special  sign. 

27.  Lam.     Apparently  a  "plough."     A  special  sign. 

28.  Se,  to  lay.     Two  corn-sheaves  laid  flat. 

29.  Ban,  a  bow.     A  special  sign. 

30.  Ka,  measure.     A  special  sign. 

31.  Kit.     The  meaning  is  obscure. 

32.  Kharran,  road.     A  special  sign. 

33.  Se,  corn.     Two  corn-sheaves  erect. 

34.  Ub,  region.     Represents  a  rude  map.     Such   a  map  has 

been  found  on  an  extant  tablet. 

35.  Ner.    Used  for  "yoke"  or  "government."     It  seems  to  be 


236  APPENDIX    IV. 

a  stag's  head  (compare  No.  141),  and  forms  six  com- 
pounds for  various  species  of  deer. 

36.  Alani,  image.     A  special  sign. 

37.  Pat,  bundle,  baggage.     Also  a  special  sign. 

38.  Pi,  ear.     The  pictorial  meaning  is  not  clear. 

39.  Sig.     Possibly  only  a  variant  of  No.  136. 

40.  Zi,  spirit.     The  meaning  pictorially  is  obscure. 

41.  Gum,  official.     A  determinative. 

42.  A,  water.     Horizontal  wavy  lines. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  absence  of  these  signs  tends 
rather  to  confirm  the  comparisons,  since  they  are  nearly 
all  either  special,  and  probably  added  by  the  Sumerians 
after  the  two  systems  separated,  or  not  sufficiently  clear 
for  purposes  of  comparison.  The  remaining  140  emblems 
are  compounded  from  the  original  160  here  noted. 

The  natural  conclusion  from  this  evidence  seems  to  be 
that  the  Hittite  signs  are  the  same,  to  a  great  extent,  as 
the  cuneiform,  but  that  differences  developed  after  separa- 
tion of  the  northern  and  southern  divisions  of  the  race. 
The  Cypriote,  on  the  other  hand,  represents  the  "  hieratic," 
or  later  sketchy  running  hand,  which  we  can  see  already 
forming  in  some  of  the  later  incised  Hittite  texts,  and 
which  was  reduced  to  a  small,  and  insufficient,  syllabary, 
soon  superseded  by  the  alphabet. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  sounds  akh,  ikh,  ukh  are 
omitted.  In  cuneiform  one  sign  stands  for  all  three,  and 
is  a  compound,  formed  from  khi,  which  does  not  appear 
in   Hittite  script. 

The  reader  will,  it  is  hoped,  admit  that  the  question 
thus  rests,  not  on  arbitrary  conjectures,  but  on  compari- 
son, and  consideration  of  principles. 


Sound, 
r.  A 
2.  E 
3-   I 
4.  O 

5-   U 

6.  BA 

7.  BE   PE 

8.  BI   PI 

9.  BO    BU 

10.  AB   AP 

11.  IB    IP 

12.  UB   UP    BI 

13.  GA    KA 

14.  GE    KE 

15.  GI    KI 


16.  GO    KO 


Asianic  Hittite  Linear 

Syllabary.  Emblems.       Babyloni: 

/is 


Akkadian 
Sounds. 


1 


0 

5") 


1 


f 

T 
A 

17.  GU   KU  KUM     J    ( 


0 

0 


A 


Zi\     ba 

1  BE   BAT   US 


3, 


A 


BI    KAS    UL 


AB   AP   ES 


<^>    U    UB   RU 
■£       GA    DE 


GI    SA 


Xk 


JJKU 


KUM    RI 


Asian  ic 
Syllabary. 


Sound. 

jy  ij 

18.  AG  AK  } 

19.  IG   IK  GAL 

20.  KHA 


Hittite  Linear  Akkadian 

Emblems.  Babylonian.  Sounds. 


21.  KHE 

22.  KHI 

23.  KHU 

24.  YA 

25.  YE 

26.  LA 

27.  LE   GUT 

28.  LI 

29.  LO 

30.  LU 

31.  AL 

32.  IL 
33-  UL 


<H 


O 
+ 


g)  /\      GE 

^       f 

Xp:     KHA 

CI  I 

0    0 

o 


IK    GAL   MAL 


KHI    DHI 


KHU    PAK 


SIR    MUS 


H        0 


LE  GUT  KHAR  AM 


=*        rJ.      h3  " 


Erj3       rrnffii]  sar  khir 

LU    LAL    NAS 

0      v 

[J   []  J  J      UL   BI    KAS 


AL   DU    DUN 


ILI    LI    I    NI   ZAL 


0        ,  Asianic 

Soulld-  Syllabary. 


34.  MA  VA         )|( 

35.  ME  MEN    rj^ 

36.  MI  /V\ 
37-  MO  Q) 

38.  MU  /f\ 

39.  AM 

40.  IM 

41.  UM 

42.  NA  '"""T^ 

43.  NE  1  j  1 

44.  NI  J^ 

45-   NO  X 

46.  NU  NUN    )  J 

47.  AN  A           >(< 

48.  EN 

49.  IN  I             ^ 


50.   UN    U 


A 


Hittite 
Emblems 


¥S 


Linear  Akkadian 

Babylonian.  Sounds. 


0 


^ 

fe 


o 


It 


MA 


^7       MUK   SAL    RAK 


II 
^7     AM 


IM    MER 


f=i      UM    DUB   MUS 


°Q°        4 


NA 


^      KUR    BAB 


NU 


"— '  .-V 


AN 


EN 


IN 


Sound. 

Si.  PA    BA 

52.  PE   BE 

53-  PI    BI 

54.  PU    BU 

55-  RA 

56.  RE 

57-  RI 

58.  RO 

59.  RU 

60.  AR 

61.  ER   ERI 

62.  UR   AL 

63.  SA 

64.  SE 

65.  SI 

66.  SO 

67.  SU 


Asianic  Hittite 

Syllabary.  Emblems 


Linear  Akkadian 

Babylonian.  Sounds. 


x 

i 

IT 

3 


« 


■J 


iJ 


* 


« 

<3B 


£1 


<5> 


t 


I 

I 


PA   PAM 


PU    BU    GID 


ERI 


RI    KU 


RI    TAL 


RUM   GIR 


AR 


IR 


UR 


^ 


SI   IGI 

NUN   SUL 

SU 


Sound. 

68. 

AS 

69. 

ES 

70. 

IS 

7i. 

US 

72. 

DA 

73- 

DE 

74- 

DI   DIM  SA 

75- 

DU    RA 

Asianic 
Syllabary. 


Hittite 


Linear  Akkadi, 


76.  TA   DA  1 


Emblems.  Babylonian.  Sounds. 

m  as 

<M  III  ESESSA 


&     h 


*D 


J  ■ 


US  cus 


DA 


DE   BIL   NE 


I)         DI    DIM    SA 


lie,  I 


H 


DU    RA  GUB 


77.  TE   DE             ^/ 

^ 

>^ 

TE 

78.   TI    DI   TIL      ^ 

i 

1 

A 

I 

TI   TIL 

79.  TO   TUK        y<\ 

<^ 

F 

TU    TUK 

80.  TU    TUM         fTJ] 

^ 

0 

TU    TUM 

81.  AD   AT 

JE, 

A 

AT   AD 

82.   IT    ID 

C3 

3iO 

IT    ID 

83.  UD  UT  TU 

4> 

O 

UT    UD   TU 

Sound. 


Asianic 
Syllabary. 


Hittite  Linear 

Emblems.         Babylonian. 


Akkadian 
Sounds. 


84.  VE  VEM 


85.  VO 


86.  ZA 


=T  03 


r~\ 


>vl 


<<, 


87.  zo  ^>> 

88.  ZU 

89.  AKA 
90/AGU 

91.  AMA 

92.  BAR 

93.  BAR 

94.  BUR 

95.  DAN 

96.  GAM    GA       Q 

97.  GAR   ZA 

98.  GIZ 

99.  GON    GO  ) -J" 


# 


SUM  LUM  K.HUM 


ZU    LA 


JL  JL 


m    it 


AKA    RAM 


AME   EGA    MIR 


[xl       BAR   SAR 
"4-        PAR   MAS 

<^?        BUR   GUI. 


1 


0         D 


AN    LAB    KAL 


Z=Z     GAR   SA   ZA 


GIZ    IZ 


Q~j         — 14-  KUN    KHAT    PA 


Sound. 
IOO.   GU 

ioi.  GUG 

102.  GUR   GA 

103.  IAK 

104.  KAR 

105.  KAR    KIR 

106.  KAS 


Asianic         Hittite 
Syllabary.    Emblems 


107.   KAS 


108.   KAT 


f 

so 


^ 


Linear  Akkadian 

Babylonian.  Sounds. 


GU    KA    DU 


Y 

^0 


GUG   SIL   TAR 


GUR   GA 


KAR 


;  KIR    KHIL    KHAB 

E 

k;|  GAZ   KAS 

ZZZ  KAS    BI 


109.  KAZIN 


no.   KIP 


in.   KUR 


112.   KURU 


113.   KHIR 


114.  KHUL 


(OP) 


^ 


KIP   GAB 


0*0  KUR 
<4^ 


o 


KURU 


Sound. 


us.  LIG 


Asianic  Hittite 

Syllabary.     Emblems. 


16. 

LIT 

17- 

LU 

18. 

LUL? 

119.  MA 


120. 

MAKH 

121. 

ME 

122. 

ME 

I23. 

MI 

I24. 

NUM 

125. 

RA 

126. 

RAT 

127.    RIM 


128. 

SA 

129. 

SAK 

130. 

SAKH 

V 

ffl 


W 


DDOD 
ft 

JH 

X 

T 

o 


Linear  Akkadian 

Babylonian.  Sounds. 


IT7        LIG    UR   TAS 


V 

ffl 


LIT   LAT  AB 


LU    DIB 


ys>  LUL 

fcj  MA 

J  I-}.  MAKH 

111 


ME 


llll        ME 


a 


,A, 


MI    GIG 


NUM 


RA   SA 


RAT   SIT 


RIM 


SA 


SAK 


SAKH   SUKH 


Sound. 


Asianic 


Hittite 


Linear  Akkadi, 


Syllabary.  Emblems.  Babylonian.  Sounds 


131.  SAR 


132.  SAR 


133.  SET 


134- 

SHI 

Al 

135- 

SHI 

■i/ 

136. 

SIG 

*37- 

SIR 

138. 

SIS 

139- 

SU 

140. 

TAKH 

141. 

TAR 

4 


SAR    LUGAL 


SAR    KHIR 


U 


b 


SI    SHI    SIG 


SI    SIG 


SIR   SU 


,|,        SIS    UR 
KjlD      SU    GAB    KAT 
Ik       TAKH    GA 


1AB 


142.  TAS 

O 

JJ-       TAS    UR    LIK 

143.  TIK 

I 

<R        TIK    GU 

144.  TIM 

v$ 

145.  TIM 

3><        TIM    DIM 

Sound. 


Asianic  Hittite  Linear  Akkadian 

Syllabary.        Emblems.       Babylonian.  Sounds. 


146. 

TIN 

147- 

TUL 

148. 

TUR 

149. 

TUR  DUM 

150. 

UKU 

151- 

U  UN 

152- 

UN 

153- 

UNU 

154. 

URU 

!5S- 

US 

156. 

vo 

157.   ZAR 


158. 


TT 


"y 


? 


f 


a>~- 


w 


4 


TIN    GAL 


TUL    DUL 


TUR 


YY   tur  dum 


# 


UKU    MUR 


/X       U    UN 
/X      U    UN 


UNU    LAB    RUD 


[-QU  P— J      URU    ERI 


US   CU    DUR 


FH  R"<<       ZAR   SAR 


>C<cc 


159- 


160.   E 


;e 


B 


E    MA    MAL 


Sound. 


Asianic  Hittite 

Syllabary.  Emblems 


Linear  Akkadian 

Babylonian.       Sounds. 


161. 


162. 


163. 
164. 


9~? 


165. 


166.   PAL 


^ 


A 
I 


PAL   TAL 


167. 


o 


248 


APPENDIX    V. 


ORIGIN    OF    THE    ALPHABET. 


The  question  of  the  alphabet  is  closely  connected  with 
our  subject.  The  Hittites  did  not  use  it,  and  their  script 
is  probably  older  than  the  time  of  its  invention,  which 
cannot  be  placed  later  than  iooo  B.C.  It  used  to  be 
supposed  to  have  originated  in  Egypt  about  1500  B.C., 
or  earlier,  but  the  oldest  dated  alphabetic  text  is  the 
Moabite  Stone,  about  900  b.c,  and  we  now  know  that, 
in  the  fourteenth  century  b.c,  it  was  not  in  use  in  Phoe- 
nicia. Nor  was  the  Hittite  then  the  character  used,  for 
all  the  Tell  Amarna  letters,  from  Palestine  and  Syria,  are 
in  cuneiform  characters. 

The  ancients  knew  that  Egyptians  and  Babylonians  had 
written  characters  long  before  Greeks  or  Latins.  They 
usually  attribute  the  alphabet  to  the  Phoenicians,  but  they 
knew  very  little  about  its  origin.  The  Phoenicians  used 
twenty-two  letters,  and  all  these  the  Greeks  adopted.  The 
latter  had,  however,  five  letters  which  were  not  Phoenician, 
and  they  gradually  discarded  the  Digamma  {Van),  the 
Koppa  {Kofih),  and  finally  the  San  (Tsade),  which  are 
found  in  the  earliest  Greek  texts,  thus  forming  an  alpha- 
bet of  twenty-four  letters  finally  established.  The  names 
of  certain  Greek  letters,  Alpha,  Beta,  Delta,  &c,  indicate 
a  Semitic  derivation  ;  but  they  are  not  all  the  same  as  in 
Phoenician,  and  the  five  extra  letters  have  simple  syllabic 
sounds.     It  is  remarkable  that  all  the  letters  of  the  Etrus- 


ORIGIN    OF    THE   ALPHABET.  249 

can  and  Latin  alphabets  have  similarly  only  syllabic  names. 
The  Greek  names  were  unknown  in  Italy  till  very  late. 
The  Italians,  therefore,  show  no  signs  of  having  obtained 
letters  from  a  Semitic  people. 

Aristotle  believed  seventeen  Greek  letters  (omitting 
Zeta)  to  be  ancient,  including  fifteen  Phoenician  with 
Phi  and  Upsilon.  It  is  known,  from  the  existence  in  his 
time1  of  the  Delphic  tripod,  that  all  these  letters  existed  in 
480  b.c.  ;  but  on  that  monument  the  Khi  and  Psi  differ 
from  the  forms  used  later.  Eta  and  Omega  are  absent, 
but  Zeta  and  Theta  occur.  In  coins  of  Thrace  Omega  is 
as  old  as  550  B.C.,  but  on  coins  of  Pot  idea,  432  B.C., 
the  Xsi  and  Psi  are  not  represented  by  single  letters. 
Thus  in  the  time  of  Aristotle  the  alphabet  of  Greece  was 
not  yet  fixed,  and  the  standard  Ionian  alphabet  had  not 
yet  swallowed  up  the  local  varieties.  The  Asiatic  Greeks 
were  more  advanced,  and  possessed  Eta  and  Omega  be- 
fore the  Europeans.  The  Etruscans  also  had  the  signs  for 
Zeta,  Theta,  Phi,  and  Khi,  but  had  not  those  for  Xsi,  Psi, 
Eta,  or  Omega.  The  extra  letters  originated  apparently 
in  Asia  Minor,  where  alphabets  used  for  Iranian  languages 
required  more  distinction  of  sound  than  even  the  Greek. 
Thus  the  Lycians,  whose  speech  was  Iranian,  in  the  fifth 
century  B.C.,  though  they  had  not  the  same  signs,  distin- 
guished phi  and  pi,  t  and  th,  xsi  and  long  0.  They  had 
yet  other  signs  for  the  gutturals  a  and  ah,  for  short  u  and 
w,  for  //,  eh,  hard  /,  and  hard  d.  Their  alphabet  con- 
sisted of  thirty-three  distinguished  sounds,  but  was  never 
used  by  Greeks.  The  Lycian  extra  letters,  such  as  long  0 
(Cypriote  11)  and  ch  (Cypriote  se),  show  a  connection  with 
the  old  syllabary  of  Hittite  origin.  The  Greek  Upsilon, 
Phi,  Khi,  Psi,  and  Omega  can  be  traced  to  the  same 
syllabary.  Some  other  influence  besides  the  Phoenician 
was  at  work,  and  the  Greeks  themselves  knew  that  they 
only  owed  part  of  their  alphabet  to  Phoenicia. 

The  question  of  the  origin  of  the  whole  system  thus 
arises.     That  it  was  hieroglyphic  is  generally  admitted. 
1  See  Rawlinson's  Herodotus,  vol.  iii.  p.  467. 


250  APPENDIX    V. 

That  Ionians  and  Etruscans  did  not  take  any  letters 
directly  from  the  Semitic  race  is  indicated  by  the  syllabic 
names,  as  distinguished  from  Phoenician  names  of  letters, 
which  are  descriptive  of  their  hieroglyphic  meaning.  The 
probable  solution  is  that  the  syllabaries,  from  which  all 
letters  (Phoenician,  Aramean,  Greek,  Ionian,  Carian, 
Lycian,  Phrygian,  and  Etruscan  alike)  were  derived,  were 
those  used  by  the  Mongol  race,  and  derived  from  our 
system  of  hieroglyphics — called  Hittite.  The  Phoenicians, 
knowing  the  hieroglyph  whence  each  sign  was  derived, 
named  it  accordingly.  They  taught  the  early  Greeks  of 
Europe.  The  Ionians,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Carians, 
Lycians,  and  Etruscans,  came  directly  in  contact  with  the 
original  race  which  invented  the  syllabary ;  and  thus  (in 
the  case  of  Etruscans  at  least)  never  used  the  Semitic 
names,  and  employed  at  least  ten  signs  not  used  in 
Phoenicia. 

This  view  has  begun  to  take  hold,  since  the  failure  to 
derive  the  alphabet  from  Egyptian  symbols,  or  from  the 
later  cuneiform.  It  is  here  proposed  to  inquire  into  a 
possible  Hittite  comparison.  But,  as  we  have  seen  that 
so  many  signs  are  common  to  Hittite  and  cuneiform,  this 
view  does  not  altogether  exclude  comparisons  with  the 
latter  script,  although  it  is  probable  that  the  system  in  use 
on  the  borders  of  Phoenicia  would  be  that  adopted.  The 
Cypriote  forms  generally  have  much  closer  resemblance  to 
the  alphabetic  signs  than  either  cuneiform  or  Egyptian 
characters.  The  only  question  is  whether  the  comparison 
holds  good  throughout. 

The  weakness  of  De  Rouge's  proposal,  to  derive  from 
the  Egyptian,  lies  in  four  points  :  ( i )  The  comparisons 
of  form  are  very  doubtful.  (2)  The  Phoenician  names 
of  letters  do  not  describe  the  Egyptian  objects.  (3) 
Only  twenty-one  letters  are  compared.  (4)  No  attempt 
is  made  to  account  for  the  Greek  extra  letters.  If  a 
comparison  is  sound,  it  should  apply  all  the  more  closely, 
the  farther  back  we  may  go,  to  the  original  sign ;  but  this 
is  not  the  case  with  De  Rouge's  theory  of  the  adoption, 


ORIGIN    OF   THE   ALPHABET.  251 

by  Phoenicia,  of  a  foreign  script,  about  the  time  when  we 
now  know  that  they  were  actually  using  another — namely, 
the  cuneiform.  The  real  succession  appears  to  have 
been:  Hittite  hieroglyphs  used  2200  B.C.;  cuneiform, 
1500  b.c;  alphabets,  about  1200  B.C.,  in  Syria.  The 
three  systems  overlap  historically,  while  Greeks,  Arabs, 
and  Arameans  only  learned  the  alphabet  some  centuries 
after  its  development  in  Syria,  where  the  oldest  dated 
text  (that  of  Panammu  I.  at  Samalla  about  800  B.C.) 
already  shows  signs  of  long  use  for  this  invention. 

That  the  Phoenicians  should  have  taken  Egyptian  signs, 
and  renamed  them  according  to  fancied  resemblances  to 
objects  quite  different  from  those  represented  originally, 
is  most  unlikely.  Their  names  should  indicate  the  true 
hieroglyphic  form.  De  Rouge  supposes  that  the  rough 
hieratic  sketches  were  accepted,  but  that  their  original 
connection  with  emblems  then  still  in  use  for  monumental 
texts  was  unknown  to  the  Semitic  traders,  who  must,  how- 
ever, have  often  seen  them  in  Egypt  itself.  Thus  he 
compares  the  hieratic  a  (eagle)  with  the  Phoenician  a 
(bull),  the  hieratic  b  (crane)  with  the  Phoenician  b  (house), 
the  hieratic  r  (mouth)  with  the  Phoenician  r  (face),  and 
the  hieratic  s  (reeds)  with  the  Phoenician  .?  (tooth);  and 
so  on  for  the  rest.  Even  the  hieratic  forms  bear  no 
convincing  resemblance  to  the  Phoenician  letters,  and  the 
hieroglyphics  were  quite  different.  A  Phoenician  could 
hardly  take  a  crane  for  a  house,  or  an  eagle  for  a  bull, 
and  had  no  reason  for  giving  the  new  names,  unless  that 
he  knew  them  to  be  those  of  the  original  emblems  whence 
his  letters  had  slowly  developed.  It  will  be  apparent  that 
an  explanation  which  is  not  founded  on  such  an  improb- 
able theory  is  to  be  sought,  and  can  only  be  found,  in 
either  Syria  itself  or  in  Chaldea ;  for  neither  Arabs, 
Hindus,  nor  Etruscans  are  known  ever  to  have  had  any 
hieroglyphics  at  all.  They  learned  to  write  much  later, 
and  adopted  Phoenician  letters. 

The  following  explanation  of  the  attached  plate  will 
show  how  easily,  through  the  Asian ic  syllabary,  by  means 


252  APPENDIX    V. 

of  Mongol  speech,  the  origin  of  the  signs  can  be  explained, 
in  accord  with  their  Phoenician  and  Greek  names  : — 

i.  Aleph,  Greek  Alpha,  bull.  The  old  an,  am,  bull,  common 
to  Hittites  and  Sumerians.  The  sign  is  rendered 
Alpu,  bull,  in  Assyrian.  It  is  not  known  in  Cypriote, 
but  it  was  used  by  Lycians  and  Carians. 

2.  Beth,  Greek  Beta,   house.      The  old  sign  ab,   house,   in 

Hittite  and  cuneiform,  rendered  Bitu  in  Assyrian. 
The  sign  is  not  Cypriote,  but  is  Lycian  and  Carian. 

3.  Geemel,  Greek  Gamma.     The  word  is  not  gamal,  camel, 

but  geemel,  crooked.  This  is  the  Hittite  ga,  gam, 
crook,  the  Greek  preserving  the  full  sound.  In  Cypriote 
ga.     In  Carian  and  Lycian  this  g  occurs. 

4.  Daleth,    Greek   Delta,    usually   rendered    "door."       The 

cuneiform  sign  du  is  a  pot  rather  than  a  door,  and  is 
rendered  daliu  in  Assyrian.  The  root  is  dalah,  to 
swing  (whether  of  door  or  bucket),  and  delu  is  a 
Semitic  word  for  "bucket."  The  letter  is  used  in 
Carian  and  Lycian. 

5.  He,   Greek  E-psilon  or  "short  e."     The   sound  has   no 

Semitic  sense,  but  the  Sumerian  c,  house  (which  is 
represented  by  he  in  Assyrian — hekal,  temple,  being 
the  Akkadian  e-gal,  great  house),  may  explain  the 
sign.  In  the  Carian  alphabet  the  c  has  the  required 
form  exactly. 

6.  Van.     The  Semitic  rendering  "  hook"  (vav)  is  doubtful. 

The  Greeks  called  this  letter  (the  Digamma)  Vau  or 
Baa.     Possibly  the  Hittite  vn. 

7.  Zain,  Greek  Zeta,  supposed  to  signify  "weapons."     The 

Hittite  za,  "  quiver,"  is  compared.  The  sign  zain 
evidently  shows  more  than  one  weapon,  bound  together, 
or  in  a  case. 

8.  Kheth,  Greek  Eta.     The  supposed  meaning  is  "  fence  "  or 

"protection."  Probably  the  Hittite  sign  for  a  fortress. 
The  cuneiform  has  the  sound  khab  or  khav,  as  well  as 
kir.     (Turkish  khap,  grip,  hold,  include.) 

9.  Tcth,  Greek  Theta.     Probably  derived  from  lath,  to  roll, 

a  globe  or  ball.  Perhaps  the  sun.  The  cuneiform  sun 
emblem  is  used  for  the  sound  ///. 

10.  Yod,  Greek  Iota,  the  hand.     The  hand  emblem  in  cunei- 

form has  the  sound  idu  in  Assyrian.  In  Akkadian  id 
and  a  (or  probably  i),  hand. 

11.  Kaph,  Greek  Kappa,  the  hollow  of  the  hand.     The  cunei- 

form sign  has  the  value  gub  as  well  as  ttik,  and  gub 
may  be  pronounced  guv  or  gu.  The  £"  and  k  are  little 
distinguished  in  Akkadian. 


ORIGIN    OF    THE    ALPHABET.  253 

12.  Lamed,  Greek  Lamda.      Wrongly   rendered    "ox-goad," 

from  a  single  occurrence  of  the  word  malmad,  which 
the  Septuagint  does  not  render  "goad"  but  "plough 
instrument."  In  Akkadian  lam  is  "plough,"  and  da  is 
"yoke."  The  yoke  sign  has  the  sound  hi  in  Hittite 
and  in  Akkadian. 

13.  Mini,    Greek   Mu,    supposed    to    mean    "water."      The 

Hittite  mi  may  mean  "the  west,"  which  was  called  by 
Semitic  peoples  "seaward."  The  Phoenician  form  is 
not  original.  In  Carian  the  letter  m  is  the  same  as  the 
Cypriote  mi,  and  represents  an  earlier  form  than  the 
oldest  known  Phoenician. 

14.  Nun,  Greek  Nu.     This   need  not  mean   "fish,"  and  mi 

would  certainly  not.  Possibly  the  Assyrian  nunu,  lord, 
is  intended — the  word  was  derived  as  a  loan  from  the 
Akkadian  nun,  nu,  lord.  The  sign  compared  is  the 
cuneiform  nu,  nun,  lord — a  hand  with  sceptre — and  it 
is  conceivable  that  the  Phoenician  is  the  same. 

15.  Samech,  Greek  Xsi.     The  word   is  supposed  to  mean  a 

"prop."  Probably  the  emblem  of  the  tree  trunk  or 
"log,"  which  has  among  other  sounds  that  of  san  or 
za?i,  which  indicates  an  original  sa  or  za. 

16.  Ain,   Greek    O-micron,   little  o.      In  Greek  the   Semitic 

name  is  not  retained,  but  it  means  "eye."  The  Cypriote 
ya,  bright,  is  compared,  the  sign  being  that  for  "  light." 

17.  Peh,  Greek  Pi.     The  spelling  of  the  name  is  not  the  same 

as  peh,  mouth.  The  Phoenician  name  might  equally 
well  come  from  the  root  pah,  whence  the  word  for 
"corner."  The  emblem  is  not  like  a  mouth.  The 
Cypriote^?  compares  well,  and  the  meaning  is  appar- 
ently a  "bend"  (Turkish  bai  and pai,  bend). 

18.  Tsade,  the  Greek  San.    This  letter  was  peculiarly  Semitic, 

and  soon  disappeared  in  Greek,  where  the  shape  was 
confused  with  that  of  Sigma,  and  the  sound  not  known 
in  Aryan  speech.  Tsade  is  supposed  to  mean  a  "  hook," 
and  tsin  has  the  same  meaning.  The  comparison  with 
the  Hittite  has  yet  to  be  found.  The  emblem  is  not 
found  in  Cypriote. 

19.  Koph,   Greek  Koppa.      This  also  was   soon   disused    in 

Greece,  but,  through  the  Etruscans,  became  the  Latin 
Q.  The  meaning  of  the  name  is  very  doubtful.  Prob- 
ably the  Hittite  ku,gu,  speech,  is  to  be  compared,  which 
in  Assyrian  is  rendered  kabu,  which  is  tolerably  near. 
The  roots  kuph,  kapha,  in  Hebrew,  however,  mean  "to 
gird "  and  "  to  contract,"  and  the  sign  might  be  a 
"  noose."  Compare  the  Akkadian  gub,  to  grip  (Turkish 
khap).     The  symbol  gu,  however,  is  so  common  that  it 


254  APPENDIX   V. 

was  likely  to  find  a  place  in  the  alphabet,  and  no 
"noose"  emblem  is  known  in  Hittite  or  cuneiform. 

20.  Rcsh,    Greek   Rho.     The    Semitic    name    means   "head." 

The  emblem  is  like  the  Cypriote  ra  in  its  later  forms. 
The  Hittite  ra  is  a  small  human  figure  with  a  large 
head. 

21.  Shin,  Greek  Sigma.     The  Semitic  name  is  supposed  to 

mean  "tooth,"  the  Lycian  ch  or  sh  is  compared,  and  one 
form  of  the  Cypriote  se  is  much  the  same.  The  deriva- 
tion is  supposed  to  be  from  the  Hittite  ski,  tooth,  and 
the  word  sigma  would  mean  "biting." 

22.  Tau,  Greek  Tau,  means  "a  mark"  in  Hebrew,  but  this 

may  come  from  the  letter.  The  Cypriote  fa  is  a  pos- 
sible comparison,  from  the  Hittite  ta,  beat. 

The  remaining  letters  are  Greek  only  : — 

23.  U-psilon,  short  u.    The  later  forms  of  the  Cypriote  u  com- 

pare. The  earlier  ones  lead  us  to  the  Hittite  u,  plant, 
commonly  used  for  the  syllable  only. 

24.  Phi.     Probably  pie,  as  found   in   Cypriote,   Hittite,   and 

cuneiform — a  bud. 

25.  Khi.     In  Carian  and  Lycian  the  letter  h  is  a  cross,  whence 

the  Greek  may  come.  The  sound  khi  in  Akkadian 
means  "good."  The  cross  is  commonly  found  in  the 
hands  of  deities  on  seals,  and  was  an  Assyrian  sacred 
emblem. 

26.  Psi.    Supposed  to  be  the   Cypriote  se,  derived   from  the 

Hittite  se,  to  give. 

27.  Omega,  great  o.     The  sign  u,  in  Hittite  and  in  cuneiform, 

supplies  the  proper  form.    This  is  not  found  in  Cypriote. 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  whole  alphabet  can  be 
found  in  the  Hittite  system  (excepting  as  yet  Tsade),  and 
that  the  Mongol  syllables  describe  the  same  symbols 
which  are  to  be  inferred  from  the  Semitic  names  of  the 
letters.  The  Greek  names,  whether  the  same  with  or 
varying  from  the  Phoenician,  equally  point  to  the  same 
hieroglyphic  signs.  The  investigation  of  the  origin  of 
the  alphabet  thus  strengthens  our  case  for  twenty  -  six 
signs  of  the  Hittite,  by  giving  a  bilingual  check  on  the 
meaning  and  sound  required  by  the  signs ;  but  only  on 
the  assumption  that  the  originators  of  the  system  were 
Mongols,  whose  short  words  were  easily  represented  by 


Lettei 

Names. 

Greek. 

Hebrew. 

Syllables, 

Hittite. 

Cuneiform.     Sound. 

I.   A 

Aleph 
Alpha 

A 

£ 

H 

0 

AV   Alpu 

2.    B 

Beth 
Beta 

& 

% 

<F* 

& 

AB    Bitu 

3-  G 

Gimel 
Gamma 

h 

A 

9 

9 

GAM  GA 

4.   D 

Daleth 
Delta 

A 

C\ 

0 

V 

DU  Daltu 

5-  E 

He 
Epsilon 

E 

^ 

£ 

6 

a 

E 

6.  V 

Vau 

Vau 

Y 

Y 

T 

£ 

VO 

7-  Z 

Zain 
Zeta 

nr 

ur 

ac^ 

■^ 

ZA 

8.   KB 

:  Cheth 
Eta 

a 

B 

E) 

D 

KHAB 

9.  T 

Teth 
Theta 

0 

© 

O 

O 

TU 

10.    I 

Yod 
Iota 

j* 

-^y 

c=^ 

CZjQ-  ID  Idu 

n.   K 

Kaph 
Kappa 

K 

1 

K 

& 

R 

GUB 

12.  L 

Lamed 
Lamda 

/\ 

<f 

ru~> 

(s=Q 

~l 

LU  Niru 

13.    M 

Mem 
Mu 

M 

vM 

AA 

DQ 

MI 

14.   N 

Nun 
Nu 

N 

1 

^ 

-J. 

NU  Nunu 

15.  S 

Samech 



Xsi 

— 

^ 

0 

tt 

SAN 

16.  O 

Ain 

O 

O  micron 

O 

0 

0 

YA 

i7.   P 
18.  TS 

Pe 
Pi 

Tsadi 
San 

P 

n 

s 

<? 

PE 

19.  Q 

Koph 
Koppa 

9 

9 

c 

f 

KA  Kabu 

20.   R 

Resh 
Rho 

P 

q 

^r 

§ 

i 

RA 

21.  SH 

Shin 
Sigma 

A^ 

V>v> 

si/ 

p 

SHI 

22.  TH 

Tau 
Tau 

X 

X 

— 1 

4 

TA 

23.   U 

Upsilon 

T 

T 

w. 

U 

24.   PH 

Phi 

$ 

$ 

1 

f 

PU 

25.   X 

Khi 

X 

■S- 

KHI 

26.   PS 

Psi 

Y 

P 

^ 

SE 

27.  0 

Omega 

n 

G=D 

^v. 

U 

Orig 

in  of  the  Alphabet. 

z^^xi, 

V"' ,-..„,., 

-'7 


256  APPENDIX   V. 

single  syllabic  signs.  These  comparisons  are  indicated 
for  the  first  time  in  these  pages,  and  have  not,  to  the 
author's  knowledge,  been  made  by  others,  though  some 
coincide  with  Mr  Ball's  proposed  derivation  from  cunei- 
form direct.  The  signs  are  all  common  syllabic  emblems 
in  Hittite ;  and  to  this  race  the  origin  of  the  alphabet  is 
due,  though  the  actual  invention  of  twenty-two  letters  was 
Phoenician,  and  some  ten  others  were  taken  by  Aryans 
from  the  syllabary,  which  is  known  (from  one  text  re- 
maining) to  have  been  used  at  Xanthus  in  Lycia,  as  well 
as  at  Troy  and  in  Cyprus. 

Having  thus  laid  a  foundation  for  study  of  the  texts 
by  historical  research,  examination  of  all  the  possible 
languages,  and  detailed  examination  of  the  symbols  by 
themselves,  we  are  prepared  to  proceed  to  translation  ; 
and  it  will  appear  that  the  result  is  the  recovery,  on  coins 
and  texts,  of  historic  Kassite  names,  which  is  a  further 
confirmation  of  the  soundness  of  the  conclusions  reached 
by  various  means. 


257 


APPENDIX     VI. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS. 


Even  after  finding  the  sounds  and  determining  the  lan- 
guage, we  must  encounter  the  same  difficulties  in  attempt- 
ing translation  of  these  inscriptions  which  are  found  by 
scholars  in  reading  the  early  cuneiform.  These  difficulties 
are  graphic,  phonetic,  and  linguistic.  In  some  cases  the 
form,  in  some  the  sound,  in  some  the  meaning  of  the  sign, 
must  at  times  be  doubtful  on  account  (i)  of  the  imperfect 
condition  or  bad  copying  of  the  text;  (2)  because  the 
sign  has  often  more  than  one  sound,  and  it  may  be  doubt- 
ful whether  it  is  a  syllable,  an  ideogram,  or  a  key ;  (3) 
because  there  are  many  words  of  the  same  or  very  similar 
sound,  and  the  system  does  not  distinguish  the  finer  shades 
of  distinction  between  these. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  are  helped  by  the  keys,  and 
stop,  and  other  devices,  intended  to  make  the  meaning 
plain  ;  we  are  also  controlled  by  the  grammatical  structure 
of  the  language ;  and  are  aided  by  the  meanings  which 
can  be  obtained  from  living  speech.  In  translation  of 
any  ancient  text  the  result  must  read  consecutively  and 
grammatically.  It  must  be  a  sensible  result,  for  the 
ancients  did  not  write  nonsense ;  and  it  must  be  some- 
thing worth  recording,  for  such  labour  as  is  represented 
by  the  carving  of  hard  basalt  blocks  into  reliefs  was  not 
undertaken  for  nothing.  The  object  will  either  be  re- 
ligious— a  very  important  one  in  the  eyes  of  early  Orientals 

R 


258  APPENDIX    VI. 

— or  historic  ;  and  if  historic,  recording  success  and  vic- 
tory, not  defeat,  which  remark  applies  to  all  ancient 
records.  If  these  requirements  are  met,  we  may  feel 
some  confidence  in  our  conclusions. 

The  texts  found  on  slabs  and  rocks  which  are  mostly 
decipherable  amount  to  thirty-five  in  all.  To  these  we 
may  add  those  on  thirty-seven  seals.  We  may  begin  with 
those  which  are  most  probably  to  be  ascribed  to  the 
Hittites  themselves,  at  their  great  cities  Mer'ash,  Carche- 
mish,  Hamath,  and  Aleppo,  and  take  afterwards  those 
from  Cappadocia  and  Cilicia,  with  other  outlying  ex- 
amples. 

MER'ASH. 

No.  i.  The  inscribed  lion  discovered  by  Dr  Gwyther  in 
1882  bears  the  longest  and  most  complete  Hittite  text  yet 
known.  The  original  is  in  the  Constantinople  Museum. 
The  drawing  is  from  a  photograph,  the  signs  having  been 
examined  throughout  on  the  cast  in  the  British  Museum. 
The  text  begins  on  the  back  and  covers  the  left  side  and 
front,  ending  between  the  paws.  The  ends  of  the  lines 
to  the  right  are  injured,  and  the  sixth  line  is  broken  and 
partly  defaced.  The  following  translation  shows  the  "  ideo- 
grams "  in  capital  letters  and  the  syllables  in  small  type, 
as  is  usual  in  rendering  cuneiform  texts.  The  passages  in 
brackets  are  rendered  doubtful  by  the  indistinctness  of 
the  emblems.  The  first  word  is  carved  on  the  shoulder, 
and  is  a  full  figure  of  the  same  meaning  as  No.  158  of  the 
list  given  in  Appendix  IV. 

Line  I.      BISnemeke     IPRA   a      Sira       ke      LU      US  AMA     pi 

supplications  region  to  ordering  as  subject  man  the  crown 
Rim  ak  ne  tar  UDUD  ak  gam  neke  tar  NUN  ko 
high  who  of,  ruler  established  who  conquest  it  of  ruler  king  for 
ra  ke     LU     US      gar  gam       u  ke  yak  lugur    kaske      sir 

made  subject  man  causing  conquest,  I  as  also  slaves  smitten  order, 

yak         se  ne         ka  IPRA  a     sira  ke  u   Tar gon    bu 

and  submission  to  region  it  having  commanded  I      P.N.      this 

Sir    mo        ra 
order  my  [make?] 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  259 

Line  II ke  ZAB  sidu  SAR     mo       gam  te 

as    host    commanding    district    my    conquest  made, 

bu    er     AM    ne     kasis     u    tar    yak      takh       a  pi    kasalu    yak 
this   it   people  of  smiter,  I  rule,  and  securing  what  smitten,  and 

su       mo        IN  pi  gam  ma      NUN  Zabu   I  PR  A  a      sig 

might  my  the  mastery  conquering,     king    Zabu  region   it   secure 

rake    11    tar   yak    bu         turn         nc    ak       pe, 
made  I   rule,  and  this  protection  its  who  makes. 

Line  III.      Yak         zo         sane  lu     yak        AM  ne  ka         u      sir      [erf] 
and    of  thee     trusted    also     people  thereof     I     rule,        it 

kassig  yak      se  sane  sane        yak    US    Ligga     bit 

having  smitten,  and   favour   much  trusting,    and  man     dog     this 

u    ke  KAZINlu      kas     yak     zo     yak    mo     bu    a     SI    sa     ra 
I    as      quickly      smote,  and   thee   and   me   this  it    city    in    for, 

sir  ka    RE  barsak  ra     zo     .  .  ke 
ordered     submissive      thee  .... 

Line  IV.     Makh-me  tar  ke  NUN  bu   Khul  Makh-me    lu      yak     dan 
powerful  rule  as   Lord  this     foe        power    with,  and  strong 

NUN  ka   US  me     re      yak  KURU  NUN  lu       Pam  ne    ra. 

Lord    to,    man    serve,  and    favour    king  with  recorded  this  for. 

Bu       gam1      yak    SI    pi       kas       ne        MUS        bu  ke    tul 

This  conquest  and  city  the  smiting   of  a  memorial  this  as  raise 

ra  ke  yak  ne  a     sir      yak    ke      MUS        e    yak     khirra        ee 
made  and  it  to  order,  both  as  memorial  its,  and  a  writing  saying 

SI    ak  ke     sirka      bar    ne    AKA    bar    yak       ne  MUS 

city  what  order  to     is,      it    raised     is,     and   of  this  a  memoria. 

khirra  ke  yak    EN    ke       rees-       rake  PAL   ke        re         Pam 
written,    and  a  lord  as  a  servant,  made  rebel,  as  servan    record 

ne  barak  yak     er   ?ie  yak  [uru  f]  ne     bar    sa  barak  er      so  pi 
his   was,    both  him  of,  also     city    he  living  in   was,    it  of  thyself 

ke        re. 
as  a  servant. 

Line  V.        BAR      mo    nc  yak     zo  pi         gam       ke    bar       ne       gam 

in  future  mine  it,  and  thy  own  conquest  as  being,  this  conquest 
mo  dan  NUN  ko  tu?n  mo  SI  IP  pi  bu  ra  ke  SI 
my  great   king   for  protection  my,  province  the  this  is  made,  city 

sig       lu  ra        mo   SET       US       ra    yak       ?ie  re 

whole  yoke  towards  my     Set    a  servant  for,  also  of  him  a  servant 

barak  yak      AKA  te        bu     SI    .   .  .  ra  ke      pe      yak  ke  NUN 
was,    and  [adoration?]  this  city    [is]    made  make,  and  as   lord, 

mo   ke         te  KURU        US  ra         bu     ke  yak  ke      es 

me  as,  adores :    Favouring  servant  towards  this  as,  and  as  those 


1  Bu  gam  is  doubtful.  -  Kerees  might  be  a  proper  name. 


260  APPENDIX   VI. 


ne     sa    ka    er       barak       [yak     ne     NUN  pi        bu  pi         ne 
this    in    to    his    has  been,     [and    mm    tne  l°r<^    tms  same.    mm 


sa  ne  a     TUR  mo  ke     gar       er    bar      [?]    mo 

trusting,  a  son  me  as  causing  his  to  be  .  .  .  my 

Line  VI.         US     mo  yak    er    [?]  pi  ra  ke  yak      e     bar  yak  ne  NUN 
servant  my  and  him       the  made  and  good   is  and  he  Lord 

dan    .  .   mo      si       yak      pe      [turn  f]  ka  [til  ke  f]    SI    gargar 
great  .  .   me  before  and  makes      protect     entirely  city  treasure 

yak      \tuk  ?]     bar  yak  ke    bu      te  a       ?ie        re       ke        SI-IS 
also  possession  is,   and  as  this  causing  his  servant  as,  city  master 

rake         bu     u    bar  1    yak    e    ka     ne       yak       tint  e  es      yak 
become,    this    I    am, J     and    it     to    this,    both    [a  form?]    and 

ke  [tik  ?]     lu     khirra    yak  ne  barak 
carving  with  cutting,  also  it     was 

Line  VII.     Yak     sir    MUSE   khirra        til. 

and  order  record    writing  entirely. 

This  being  rendered  in  the  syntax  of  our  own  language, 
which  differs  entirely  from  that  of  Mongol  speech,  appears 
to  read  as  follows  : — 

Line  i.  "  Commanding  the  homage  of  the  district,  as  one 
who  is  a  subject  of  the  exalted  crown,  a  ruler  estab- 
lished who  rules  a  conquest,  for  the  king,  as  a  sub- 
ject who  has  made  a  conquest,  I  command  also  a 
smitten  slave-people,  and  having  commanded  sub- 
mission of  the  district,  I  Targon  [make]  this  my 
command. 

Line  2 As  having  command  of  an  army,  my 

region  being  conquered,  a  smiter  of  this  people,  I 
rule  ;  and  my  might  conquering  the  mastery,  I  rule 
a  region  of  King  Zabu,  made  secure  ;  and  he  it  is 
who  protects  it. 

Line  3.  And  being  trusted  by  thee  also,  I  rule  the  people 
thereof,  having  smitten  it.  And  much  favour  being 
intrusted,  also  as  having  speedily  smitten  this  dog, 
both  for  thee  and  for  me  in  this  city  reduced  to  sub- 
jection for  thee  I  have  ruled. 

Line  4.  I  rule,  powerful  with  the  power  of  this  king  [who 
was]  a  foe,  and  [am]  strong ;  a  servant  of  the  king, 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  261 

and  for  this  remembered  [or  proclaimed]  favoured 
of  the  king  [or  an  overseer  with  the  king].     As  a 
memorial  of  this  conquest,  and  of  smiting  the  city, 
I  order  this  to  be  erected.     It  is  raised  both  as  a 
memorial,  and  to  write  saying  what  the  city  has  been 
ordered  [or,  and  as  a  memorial  which  also  the  city  is 
ordered  to  raise]  ;  and  a  lord  made  a  servant  was  re- 
membered [or  proclaimed]  as  a  rebellious  servant ; 
and  his,  and  the  city  he  dwelt  in, 
Line  5.     is  in  future  mine   [or,  is  my  share]  as  thy  own 
servant.      And    thine    is    this   conquered   province : 
my  great  conquest   for  the  king  who  protects   me, 
it  has   become.      The  whole   city  which   I   govern, 
being  a   worshipper   of  Set,  also   serves   him  ;    and 
this   city   is   caused    to    render   worship ;    and,   like 
me,  adores  as  lord,  as  he  has  shown  favour  to  this 
servant,  and  to  those  therein  [and  trusting  this  same 
lord  he  makes  me  his  [son  ?]  and  this  my  .  .  . 
Line  6.     my  servant,  and  made  him.    .    .    .    And  he  was 
good  and  a  great  (Lord  ?)  in  my  sight  and  (protects  ?) 
all :  and  the  treasure  of  the  city  is  a  possession,  and 
I  am  the  master  of  the  city  because,  as  his  servant, 
I  did  this].1     And  for  this  cause  an  image  is  carved 
and  also  sculptures  besides  for  it ;  also  writing  [or 
cutting]  a  record  of  all  that  is  commanded." 
In  this  translation  the  meaning  attached  to  each  word 
is  taken  from  the  Akkadian  language — as  is  explained  in 
the  index  of  Hittite  words.     The  signs  are  given  only  those 
values  which  they  are  known  to  have  borne  in  Akkadian 
from  bilingual  texts,  and  from  lists  of  cuneiform  emblems 
which  have  the  translation  of  the  Akkadian  words  into 
Assyrian  in  parallel  columns.     The  lion  is  thus  apparently 
an  image  (dimes,   "  form,"  in   the   nominative   indefinite) 
erected  by  Targon  to  record  the  conquest  of  the  town  of 
Mer'ash,  in  the  reign  of  Zabu,  the  third  king  of  the  1st 
Babylonian  dynasty  (2201-2 187  B.C.),  and  his  own  name 
suggests  that  he  may  have  been  a  Hittite. 

1  Rendered  doubtful  by  defacement  of  the  symbols. 


262  APPENDIX    VI. 

No.  2.  A  rude  bas-relief  on  rock  representing  two  long- 
robed  persons  seated  facing  each  other,  with  a  table  or 
altar  between  them.  The  larger  figure  to  the  left  holds  a 
cup,  and  a  sceptre  with  the  peculiar  "  mace  "-head  noticed 
by  both  Egyptians  and  Assyrians  as  peculiar  to  Hittite 
and  allied  tribes.  Assyrian  kings  on  bas-reliefs  bear  a 
similar  sceptre,  but  the  mace-head  is  much  smaller.  The 
smaller  figure  to  the  left  has  also  a  sceptre  ;  both  have 
high  cylindrical  caps  or  crowns.  The  text  is  very  irregu- 
larly written,  but  appears  to  read — 

NUN    IP  PI  ra    ne       LU    ra     Zomoepi         US      mo   ra     er         vo 
King    region  of  him   yoke    for,  Sumuabi,  servant  me  for  him  towards 

garli  sirlu         ES     mo  barak  hi         aksa         sara 

causing  to  be  ruled,     it    mine  having  been,  this  which  in,  ruling 

a     mo     [me  ?\       Yak    bi     NUN  Makh       ne  re  sa-ak 

it  mine     [is  ?].        and   this     king    great,    of  him  servant  speaker 

Kesir  [  US  f  ]  me.     Yak  mo  ne        ee  bara     [bi      mo      barak?] 

Kesir    man     is.      and  me  he  speaking  being,  [this  mine  has  been]. 

Kesir  Makh. 
Kesir  Prince. 

"  The  king  causing  this  province  of  his  government  to 
be  ruled  by  me  a  servant  of  him  Sumuabi,  what  was  mine 
is  mine  to  rule.  And  the  speaker  is  Kesir,  a  servant  of 
this  great  king,  and  he  having  spoken  of  [or  named]  me  it 
is  mine,1  Prince  Kesir." 

The  last  words  {Kesir  Makh)  form  a  separate  text 
written  by  the  smaller  figure  to  the  right.  It  would 
appear  that  Kesir  was  a  prince  owning  as  overlord  the 
king,  whose  name  may  be  read  Zomoepi  or  Summoabi 
(the  first  king  of  Babylon,  2251-2236  B.C.),  which  means 
"  child  of  the  god  Sumu."  The  text  thus  rendered  agrees 
with  the  picture,  and  forms  a  declaration  of  Kesir's  nom- 
ination by  the  suzerain. 

1  The  arrangement  of  the  last  four  emblems  is  not  quite  clear. 
They  are  in  a  separate  line.  Perhaps  we  should  read  bar  ak  a  mo,  and 
regard  this  as  also  a  separate  text,  "  He  who  is  my  lord  "  (bar,  chief), 
like  the  text  Kesir  Makh,  which  belongs  to  the  other  figure.  In  this 
case  the  main  inscription  will  end,  "  Servant  of  the  great  king,  he  also 
having  spoken  to  me  "  (or  nominated  me). 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  263 

No.  3.  A  stela  representing  a  bearded  man  standing 
and  looking  to  the  left,  with  a  stick  in  his  hand.  It  was 
photographed  and  sketched  by  Herr  Puchstein,  but  the 
emblems  as  copied  are  too  indistinct  to  be  read  with  any 
certainty. 

The  text  begins  on  the  left,  and  consists  of  six  lines,  of 
which  the  last  is  much  defaced.  As  far  as  can  be  ascer- 
tained from  the  indistinct  photograph  and  the  imperfect 
copy,1  the  following  passages  are  legible  : — 

Line  I.     BIS  me  ke   l>n.       ne  ra  ka  [te  f]  lit       dub  bit    man  khir  ne  pi  bar 
Homage   this  to  make  rendering  tablet  this  written    it  which  is 

.   .   .   ne  aka  er  .   .  .       ne  ke  In. 
raises    it  thereof  with. 

Line  II.     ?ie  khir       lakh-lakh         gam  mo  ko  ne  khir  aka     .    .    .    . 

to  write    establishing    conquest  my  for  to  write  raising 

sikke kar    uppe    ?ie      gam       .   .  .  a  ne. 

setting  fort  which    it  conquest  it  of. 

Line    III.     lakh-lakh  a  .  .  .  .  NUN-  ZUhl  U  .   .  .  .  mo     is     UN .  .  . 
establishes  king       Siimu      ....  me  here  lord 

ra        kassa        tie    Pal    mo      de  git  ne  mo      .   .   .        mo  gu 

conquering  he  chief  me    made    word  this  my  my  saying 

bara yak     .   .    mo    ....     mo    .  .  .     nckhir     .  .   .     mo 

is  and  my  my  to  write  me 

la. 
grant. 

Line  IV.        neke     ak  ka  .   .   .   men  ne      gam       mo    bit       gam  ke      yak 
thereof  which  being    conquest  my  this  conquered  and 

.   .   .  ?ie    mo   bar  .  .  .  a    mo     gar     bar  .  .  .       LA  mo     ne  .   .   . 
it    my    is  me  makes    be  tablet  my    it 

sa  mo  ...      SI      up  pi    ...    mo. 
in  my  place  which  my. 

Line  V Sb     mo      [am  f]       ra      is     mo ne    mo  [ka  f] 

place  my  [people?]  for  here  me  me  to 

.  .  ra  mo  ne  bar  yak     a  pi  ra    ...    UN  ka  ue  .  .   .  yak  .   .  .  ke 
me  of    is     and  what  for  lord  to  its  and 

mo     Sir       rum      mo  a    ke  .  .  .   ne     kas  ke  lit. 
my  orders  record  me  to  as  it   conquered. 

Line  VI.     R ///....  ne  lit  ...   .   ra  ne    lakh 

with  to  appear 

gar      .   .  .   men ne  .   .   . 
makes  being 


1  Humann  and  Puchstein,  Reisen,  Tafel  xlix. 


264  APPENDIX   VI. 

The  general  meaning  of  the  text  appears  to  be  there- 
fore :  "  To  render  homage  this  tablet  which  is  inscribed 
is  raised,  showing  by  writing  the  .  .  .  thereof,  raised  to 
describe  my  conquest  and  establishment  [in]  the  fortress 
where  it  appears.  King  Sumu  .  .  .  my  lord  having 
made  me  chief  here,  as  having  subdued  [it],  my  words 
tell  that  it  was  .  .  .  and  to  write  my  .  .  .  the  grant 
thereof  which  is  .  .  .  this  my  conquest  being  won,  and 
being  my  .  .  .  my  tablet  in  my  ...  in  the  place  which 
is  my  .  .  .  my  place,  for  the  [people?]  here  ...  of 
me  is  .  .  .  and  for  that  which  ...  to  its  lord  .  .  .  and 
my  .  .  .  ordering  a  record  as  of  me  [it  has  been]  sub- 
dued   .    .    .    causing  to  appear.    .    .    ." 

No.  4.  This  text,  broken  at  the  top,  is  written  round 
a  small  torso,  and  consists  of  four  lines.1  The  copy  is  in 
places  uncertain,  but  the  general  meaning  seems  to  be  as 
below  : — 

Line  I.     ...  \Ka  ? ]  mo  [SI  ?]  ip  pi  bu  .   .  .  ne       7-e        dan    ne       re 

my         province  this  it  serving  much  it  serving 

a?  ne?]  up  pi  [tur  ?]  ka  bar 
it  of       who       born      was 

Line  II.     bar    ak       SI      bu     ke  e  ke    mo  yak  ne     gar    [far?]      Ini 
has  been  place  this  carving  my  also   it   makes     set      Master 

man  kas  sa  ne   ra  NUN  pi      khir     ne  Pant  mo  ne  aka 

subduer      it   for    king    the  writing  of  proclamation  my  to-raise 

ne  ne     gar     yak      kas      Makk  mo  ne  [dup  ?  ]  pi 
them  causing  and  smiting  great  my  of  the  tablet 

Line  III.     [Me?]  lu  kas    US    a   ne     gar      aka       Ini     yak  .  .   .    ane 
P.N.  D.A.  it  he  makes  raise  Master  and  it  of 

kar      .  .  .    UN  ne     lu    ke  me    pi      gar 
fortress  lord  his  with  as  one  who  causes 

Line  IV.         sa  sa      bar  ak    .   .  .  ra    aka    a  tie      si. 

command  he  was  raised  it  of  behold. 

This  is  the  statue  of  a  local  ruler  like  the  preceding, 
the  general  rendering  being  :  "  This  province  being  obe- 
dient, very  obedient,  to  my  .  .  .  who  am  a  native  of  it, 
also  here  erects  this  my  statue — its  victorious  master  :  the 
king  causing  my  written  proclamation   to  be  set  up  by 

1  Humann  and  Puchstein,  Reisen,  p.  391,  Tafel  xlviii.  fig.  3. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  265 

them,  and  the  tablet  of  my  great  victory.  [Melukas .?]  is 
the  man  who  causes  it  to  be  erected,  and  is  ...  of  the 
fortress  ;  as  one  who  has  been  its  ruler  with  his  king,  he 
raises  the  .  .  .  that  you  behold." 

There  are  three  other  small  fragments  from  Mer'ash, 
given  on  the  same  plate  with  the  preceding ;  but  the 
only  words  which  are  at  all  complete  are  on  the  third — 
namely  : 

Ad  pi  ni  ra  sit  me  gar  ne  ke. 

"  For  his  father  the  taking  thereof." 

The  remaining  sculptures  known  at  Mer'ash  include 
those  representing  the  goddess  Ma  and  the  infant  Sun-god 
and  a  chief  adoring  a  large  personage  (deity  or  suzerain) 
already  described  ;  also  another  torso,  a  horse  and  chariot, 
and  two  other  bas-reliefs  like  No.  2.  They  are  not  in- 
scribed. 

CARCHEMISH. 

Three  texts  on  basalt  blocks,  cut,  like  the  preceding,  in 
relief,  were  sent  by  G.  Smith  with  other  fragments  to  the 
British  Museum.  They  are  the  best  carved  of  all  those 
yet  known.  The  drawings  are  made  from  the  originals, 
which  are  unfortunately  damaged  in  parts  : — 

No.  1,  line  I.     BIS?iemeke  .  .  nclu     Ridetnetekalu     NUN  Zumalu 

supplications       this  with    glorifying,         Lord     Zumalu 

SI       ak     ra       gam        gitkamelu   tie  GUT 

city    who  for  conquest,     uttered, 

Line  II [ercssa?]      yak      bu     KURUKHU         alu 

[demands  ?]    and     this  prince  it  with 

Ridetnetekalu      UNSAR        tumhi  sepi  ra        yak  idis 

glorifying,  king        protecting      favour  for,     and        power 

tie  G  UT  me  ere. 

mighty  his     it. 

Line  III.      er        kare       yak      er      tura  LU  is       GUT  a  ne 

him   causing,   and  him   weak   government   here    power  it  of 

er     RO      da    Makh      er     yak     Makh    yak       tur         US      is 
his  makes  —   strong,    him   both    great     and     small,     man    here 


266  APPENDIX    VI. 

tim     a   ne     er    turda     er    yak     [LULf]    mo    LU       ra     ka 
region    it   of  him   born,   him   also    [people?]  my  yoke  made  to, 

US  ...  . 
man  .  .  . 

Line    IV ne  tuk     yak  er  yak   Makfu     til       er    mo.      Yak 

to  have,  both  it  and  prince  every  him  my.     And 

bu    mo       te        ne    tuk     er  GUT    er     bit    mo       te         ne     tuk 
this  me  renders  to  have ;   it   power  his  this  me  renders  to  have ; 

yak  er  BAR  ne  gar  mo  til  ne  US  is  er  KURUKHU 
and  of  him  division  to  cause  my,  all  of,  man  here  his,      a  prince 

a  sa  yak     Ride- 
it  in,  and  one  glori- 

Line  V.   -mcteka  NUN  da  UNSAR      turn  da      [yak]       [da  ak]       Yak 
fied      king    by,      king        protected,     and    [therefore?]    also 

Zo  Pam  ?ie  mo  ne  ra  er  a  lu  er  khirra  US  karak  pi 
thee  record  of  my    it   for  desiring,  it   writing    Man   citizen  who 

Sakh     US     is       tim      mo  ne  ra 

good,  man  here  region  me  it  for 

(At  least  fifteen    emblems   are    broken    off   here.)     The 
translation  appears,   therefore,   to  run — 

Line  i.  "Homage  being  hereby  uttered,  glorifying  king 
Zumalu,  for  whom  the  city  is  a  conquest,  mighty  .... 

Line  2 he  desires;  and  the  prince  hereby  renders 

praise.  The  favour  of  the  suzerain,  and  his  mighty 
power,  being 

Line  3.  the  cause ;  and  the  rule  of  one  who  here  [was] 
weak  [or  small]  his  power  makes  strong.  Him  both 
great  and  small  native  to  this  region,  him  also  my 
obedient  [people  ?] 

Line  4 to  possess.      Both  it,  and  every 

great  man  of  mine ;  and  this  it  is  that  gives  it  me  : 
his  power  gives  me  it ;  and  through  him  I  distribute 
all  things,  a  servant  here  of  him,  a  prince  therein, 
and  one  extolled  by  the  king,  protected  by  the 
suzerain.  And  thou  [therefore?]  also  art  desired,  by 
the  writing  of  my  record  [or  proclamation]  being  a 
good  citizen,  a  man  of  this  my  region  " 

As  regards  the  name  of  the  suzerain,  it  appears  to  be 
the  same  as  that  of  Zumelu  found  at  Hamath.      It  miarht 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  267 

be  rendered  Siimmelu  ("the  servant  of  Sumu,"  the  Kassite 
god).  The  second  king  of  Babylon  is  only  known  from 
one  list  of  kings  (see  Appendix  I.),  and  the  Babylonian 
scribe  renders  his  name  Sumu-la-ilu,  or  Snmu-la-an.  The 
change  of  a  single  dot  would  give  Sumumailu.  If  the 
Hittite  sign  In  had,  like  the  cuneiform  lu,  also  the  sound 
/a/,  the  name  might  read  Zumelal.  Not  improbably  we 
have  here  the  name  of  the  Babylonian  king  who  reigned 
from  2236  to  2201  B.C. 

No.  2.  On  a  small  black  basalt  bas-relief  of  a  king  now 
in  the  British  Museum.1  It  is  the  most  distinct  of  all 
the  texts.  The  royal  figure  and  some  of  the  lines  towards 
the  right  are  much  injured. 

Line   I.    \BISf\khi   Rideme   Tarko  timme  ama  [or  umi\  KURUKHU 
[Homage?]  glorious   Tarkotimme  tribe  [or  city]  prince 

KM  AT. 
Hittite. 

Line  II.     Ne  tarmcke     khirra        Man  MU.         SI  SAKH  me    sak     ra 
of,       all        writing  this  it  records.         Babylonia      head  for 

UN  Zabu. 
Lord  Zabu. 

Line  III.     KURUKHU     sees       Ri\detekala  ?]. 
Prince        gracious,  having  exalted. 

Line  IV.     .  .   .   Khirra  meke    lig        gar  so  es  khir. 

writings       as  to  causing  information  writes. 

Line  V.     KHAT  es       is       rakal \SIf\ 

Hittites'    master  made  city. 

Line  VI.        me  e       Yak    Yak    \_MIf\    ne   tzik.        bu      e    ra       LO       ra 
[plural],    and   also   [land?]  he  has.      This  it   for  record   for 

zo  es  khir      ud      gug      ne. 

information  writes,  day  contest  of. 

Line  VII.     Kasme   tie  gnglu    khirra       ke  e      ne  [a  ?]  su  [lie  ?]. 
Smiting  he  fought,  writing  he  cuts,  he     it    ordering. 

Line  VIII.     ne   NUM    khir    Yak  khirra  me  ke. 
to  engrave  write,  and  to  be  written. 

The  meaning,  therefore,  appears  to  be — 
"  This   inscription  [or  carving]  is  to  the   honour  and 
glory  of  Tarkotimme,  the  tribal  chief  of  all  the  Hittites 

1  Four  feet  high  and  two  feet  wide. 


268  APPENDIX   VI. 

[or  confederates],  a  gracious  prince  exalted  by  Zabu  the 
head  of  the  Babylonians.  .  .  .  The  inscriptions  giving 
information  thereof  he  writes.  Having  become  master  of 
the  Hittites  [or  confederates],  ...  he  holds  cities  and 
[land?]  also.  Therefore  he  writes  a  tablet  of  information  ; 
having  fought  victoriously  in  the  contest,  the  inscription 
[or  carving]  he  cuts,  ordering  it  to  be  hewn  and 
inscribed." 

The  name  Tarkutimme  was  a  common  one,  but  the 
prince  in  question  appears  to  have  been  the  contem- 
porary of  Targon  of  Mer'ash  in  the  reign  of  Zabu  (2201- 
2187  B.C.) 

No.  3.  A  grey  basalt  stela  *  with  a  curved  surface  in 
front,  which  is  the  inscribed  side.  At  the  back  is  a  full- 
face  figure,  the  head  of  which  is  lost.  It  has  a  long 
striped  (or  pleated)  robe,  and  holds  a  sceptre.  The  text 
is  broken  on  the  left,  and  the  emblems  are  so  much  worn 
as  to  be  occasionally  doubtful.  The  first  line  is  conjec- 
turally  restored  : — 

Line  I \Tarkotim~\me  KURUKHU[SI]  Karkun&i£\ 

P.  N.  prince         city  Carchem[ish] 

ra  \si~\ra. 
for  ruler. 

Line  II.     .  .  .    li  bi  mo  ne  GUT  yak  khul  gugkasak     khi     vo  da  du. 

by  it  my   mighty,    and    foe      contest     which  about  it  is. 

Pam    mo  Rideme       tara  \kef\NUN  KUR    Turda       me 

Record  my    glory    establishing,    as      lord      land  son  from  being, 

ne  da  NUN      puda  su         keeke     mo    li    i  khir  a  ne      rosa      ke 

it  at,    lord    far-powerful,  carving  my  by,  it  text   it  of  is  made,  as 


mo 

me 

Line  II I tuk  US     Rideme  te  eko  UNSAR  deguglu 

having :  a  man     praised  for,         king      warrior 
Ziimalu    dan      lu      gukka  ro  at      ka    mo       keeke      mo 

Zumalu  power  with  fighting,  making,  [father  for  my  ?]  carving  my 
ne   men  yak    MA    [or  A'O]   e     pu    ne    mo         ee.  A/US 

it     is ;    and    land     [or  all]     it    this    of  my    speaking.       Record 

BISpi  koda      erisda    alalme  .... 

supplication  all  from  desired,  return 


1  Five  and  a  half  feet  high,  two  and  a  half  feet  across. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  269 

Line  IV.     ...  KURU    lu     meda  \UKUf\     ak      khul       gargug 

favour    with  made,  a  people  which  a  foe,  making  war, 

zotarraka     ra,   a   ne    SI  zo         tillu        de         rosa ;     TUR 

information   for  it  of,   city  knowing     all     become  done ;      son 

lik  ka     da         ur        de  ra      ak      a    ne,     AL    pi    ke         til 
dog    from  repulse  made  which  it  of;   flight  the  as  completed 

ra         vo  ak     ne  er    LO     tuk    US    tillu      gargug.  .... 

is,  regarding  which  of  it  record  has,  man  every  war  making 

Line  V u  .  .  .  \UKU"?~\      ak  keeke        ra         zoane 

[my  own  ?]      people    whom  a  carving  for,  information 

ak  ka       \kar  ?]      yak     khulpi    NUN    is     tillu  ka  SIS     rara 
which  [making?],  and  the  foe's    king    here    all    to,   aid   raising, 

yak     khula  raa        ne        is         KIP        Karkumis       tarlu 

and    hostile     coming,     he     here,     region     Carchemish     ruling, 

KURUKHU    bu       ME      [ne?]     lu        me      ne     men         Mir 
the  prince,      this  battling    him     with  being,    it   this  of  writing, 

SI      sd     da  mo     [tur  ? ]. 
city  midst  at  my  [stands?]. 

The  meaning  appears,  therefore,  to  be — 

Line  1.     [ "Tarkotim]me  the  prince  (ruling  the 

city)  Kar[chemish], 

Line  2.  ...  by  means  of  my  powerful  ....  And  it 
concerns  the  contest  with  the  foe,  as  my  record 
[or  proclamation]  declaring  glory.  Lord  of  the  native 
land,  a  lord  widely  powerful,  by  me  a  sculptured  in- 
scription is  made,  as  of  me 

Line  3 possessing.     For  a   man    celebrated — 

my  father — making  war  by  aid  of  the  warrior  king 
Zumalu,  my  sculpture  is  made,  and  all  that  I  say 
thereof.     A  record  of  homage  due  from  all 

Line  4.  ...  with  the  favour  that  was.  A  hostile  people 
having  made  war,  by  this  notification  the  city  is  in- 
formed of  all  that  [was]  done.  How  the  son  of  a 
dog  was  repulsed,  how  he  has  fled  altogether,  as  to 
which  it  is  recorded  that  every  man  who  makes 
war  .... 

Line  5 which  is  [also]  a  record  to  inform  my 

own  [people  ?],  and  all  who  raise  help  for  the  hostile 
king,  or  come  as  foes,  that  there  was  such  battle  with 


270  APPENDIX    VI. 

the  prince  who  was  ruling  the  region  of  Carchemish. 
It  being  written  stands  in  the  midst  of  my  city." 

This  text  shows  us  that  the  name  Carchemish  meant 
the  "  topmost "  or  "  capital  "  city.  If  the  writer's  name 
(of  which  only  the  last  syllable  is  left)  was  Tarkutimme, 
and  if  the  monument  refers  to  his  father  (At),  it  would 
follow  that  Zumalu  was  the  same  as  Sumulailu  of  Babylon 
(see  No.  i,  Carchemish),  the  predecessor  of  Zabu. 

No.  4.  Mere  fragments  of  a  similar  bas  -  relief,  but 
representing  a  god  with  wings.  The  upper  part  of  the 
figure  is  lost.  He  holds  in  his  hand  a  basket,  such  as 
deities  hold  on  Assyrian  sculptures.  These  fragments, 
also  in  the  British  Museum,  are  of  black  basalt.  The  few 
emblems  left  are  as  follows  : — 

Line  I NUN  [Aku  palab  e?~\ 

King 

Line  II.     Rapal  e  pal 
serving 

Line  ?    Khirra  e 
writing  its 

Line  ?     TIL  ra 
complete 

Line  ?      rake  gal    is     un   ke    gal 
makes  be  here  lord  as  being 

This  might  apply  to  a  deity  or  to  a  human  lord.  Com- 
pare the  name  of 'Ammurabi's  father  Akumupalab  (2169- 
2139  B.C.) 

No.  5.  Another  fragment  in  the  British  Museum  of 
which  no  consecutive  reading  is  possible.  The  symbols 
Khu,  prince;  khirra,  writing;  SI  pi,  the  city;  mue,  my; 
nelu,  with  it;  er yak  Tar,  him  and  the  chief;  neka,  there- 
of ;  SI  kar  tuk  [holding  the  city  fort  ?],  alone  remain. 

Other  small  fragments  also  have  been  brought  to  the 
British  Museum  from  Carchemish,  but  in  the  absence  of 
consecutive  groups  they  give  little  information. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  2/1 

A.  La  ke  Nun  gukke,  a  tablet,  as  a  chief  fighting. 

B.  Nu-un  er,  his  lord  .   .   .  sak,  head. 

C.  E  gal  til  e  gal,  It  is,  it  is  complete. 

D.  ...  Moka,  to  me  .  .  .  Pain  ne  \Manf\mu,  its  record 

is  recorded. 

E.  ...  Am  ak  ke  yak  NIK  is  Kas    .    .    .    CIS,    which 

people  and  the  ruler  here  smiting. 

F.  The  first  line  refers  to  fighting.     In  the  second  we 

find— 

Ne  gut     is      VO   .    .    In    .    .    .    hi  pi    e  eris  yak  SUtnk         yak 

Mighty  here  it  will   and  having  power  and 

ne gut  .   .  . 
mighty 

In  the  third  line  we  find — 

Keeke    er     tuk     yak  ka  .  .    US  .  .   ne  .  .   . 
Carving  its  having  and 

G.  It  is  uncertain  which  was  the  lines  read. 
H.     ...    Un  ura  sir,   .  .   .   Lord  I  for  ruling. 
I.       ...  ane  cr  yak  gu,  thereof  and  says. 

J.       The  emblem  er  only. 

K.     Mere  suffixes  and  conjunction. 

L.      The  sign  Ka. 

M.     The  signs  Ne  and  er. 

N.     May  read  either  way. 

O.      Yak  .   .   .  er  .  .   .  sir  .  .   . 

P.      The  statue  of  a  king  apparently  refers  to  fighting.     In 

the  second  line  Sak  UN  mo  [gam  ?],  my  victorious 

suzerain  (?).     In  the  third  line  Ke  gal  -ra  [ku?] 

ne  til. 
Q.      In  the  first  line  .   .   .   Khir  er  [DuJ> .?]  pi  tarra,  fixing 

the   tablet   of  his  writing.     In    the    second,    Yak 

MEe,  and  battle. 
R.     ...    Tur  me  lu,  with  sons. 
S.      Only  the  emblem  er  is  distinct. 

All  these  texts  seem  to  point  to  the  Hittite  invasion  of 


272  APPENDIX   VI. 

Carchemish  having  occurred  at  the  time  when  the  Kas- 
sites  first  began  to  rule  in  Babylon,  about  2250  B.C.1 

HAMATH. 

Four  basalt  blocks  found  by  Burckhardt  in  18 12  are 
now  in  the  Constantinople  Museum.  The  plates  are 
from  the  casts  made  by  Rev.  W.  Wright  in  1872.  The 
texts  Nos.  4  and  5  are  on  two  sides  of  one  stone,  but  are 
separate,  though  referring  to  the  same  writer. 

No.  i,  line  I.  BISme  Namemelu    ENu     Kassalu       SU        ak 

Supplications  uttered  with,   lord   conquering  might  whose 

lu     ka. 
with,   to. 

Line  II.     NUN  pi    mo,      ak      re  ka  Tin  a  me  ne    ak      lu 

King   the  my,  whom  a    servant  to,    life  it      be      who  with, 

N  UN  Zom  u  me  lu  ke. 
king,    Zomumelu,    as. 

Line  III.      Tilka   keekeme  ta  mo  ?ie  I  PR  A  a   ne    ak     man. 
all  to,  sculpture  so  me  of,  region  to  his  who  [am?]. 

The  translation  apparently  means — 

"With  homage  expressed  to  the  lord  through  whose 
might  I  smite — my  king  whom  I  serve,  may  he  live, 
Zomumelu,  being  king  of  all,  so  I  who  am  his  countryman 
inscribe." 

The  meaning  of  Ipra  is  discussed  in  the  list  of  Hittite 
words  (Appendix  VII.)  The  king's  name  may  be  Sumu- 
meln  ("  man  of  the  god  Sumu,"  see  Carchemish,  No.  1)  or 
Zuumelu,  like  the  previous  Zumalu. 

No.  2,  line  I.  BISme         Namemelu    ENu      A'assalu       SU       ak 

Supplications  uttered  with,   lord   conquering  might  whose 

lu     ka   ke     gam  me      ne     ak   NUN  ma 
with,  to,  as  conquering  this  who  king  here, 

Line  II.       Kas     71 e      gu       e>i  NUN  pi  mo  ka     gu      NUN  pi     mo 
smiting  he  saying,  as    king   the  me  to  saying,    king   the    my 


1  Another  text  of  four  lines  (see  sketch  in  Perrot  &  Chipiez'  '  Art  in 
Asia  Minor,'  vol.  ii.  p.  259)  still  lies  in  the  ruins.  It  accompanies  the 
figure  of  a  seated  personage,  but  cannot  possibly  be  read  with  any 
certainty  from  the  drawing. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  273 

ak  re        ka     sig  de   ne     ak         re  mo   ne  NUN   Zom- 

whom    servant   to,    hostile   he   who   servant    me  of,  king,     Sum- 

u  me  lit,  ke. 
umelu     as. 

Line  III.       Tilka     keekeme   ta  mo  ne   ak   AMA      gamlu     man. 
all  to,  sculpture  so  me  of  who  crown  conquering   am. 

This  is  practically  the  same  as  the  preceding  : — 
"With  homage  expressed  to  the  lord  through  whose 
might  I  smite,  as  one  who  has  conquered,  he  commanding 
to  smite  the  king  here,  calling  me  king — he  the  king 
whom  I  serve ;  he  who  was  hostile  becoming  my  servant ; 
as  Zumumelu  is  king  of  all,  such  is  my  inscription,  who 
have  conquered  a  crown  [or,  the  people]." 

No.  3,  line  I.     BIS  me  Namemelu  ENu  Kassalu  SU  ak  lit  ka  ke  gamine 

ne  NUN  ma  ne  git. 

Line  II.      Gulii  NUN  mo  ka  gu  Nun  pi  mo  ak  re  ka  ENu  ak  a  ne  [mo  f] 
re  NUN  Zomu  RE  tilka  keekeme. 

This  text  is  the  same  as  the  last,  but  condensed  into 
two  lines.  The  king's  name  would  at  first  seem  to  be 
different.  The  scribe  having  no  room  for  the  two  syllables 
melu  (man  or  servant),  substitutes  the  ideogram  RE  (ser- 
vant) to  be  read  melu  as  in  his  other  texts.  This  confirms, 
therefore,  the  meaning  of  this  emblem  (x\kkadian  rt,  ser- 
vant), and  the  text  reads — 

"  With  homage  expressed  to  the  Lord  through  whose 
might  I  have  smitten,  as  he  spoke  and  commanded  the 
conquest  of  the  king  here,  calling  me  king  —  the  king 
whom  I  serve :  the  lord  who  [was]  here  [being]  my 
servant,  Zomumelu  [being]  king  of  all,  [is]  the  inscrip- 
tion." 

As  the  inscribed  part  of  this  stone  was  cut  off,  it  is 
possible  that  an  emblem  has  been  lost  at  the  end,  but 
the  whole  is  greatly  condensed. 

No.  4,  line  I.       SI    a   mo  it  Dittar  a  ne  SI  Karka    gu     MUS  ka  gon 
City  to  my  I  Totar  it  of  city  Karak  word  record  to,  chief 

raka     DUB  mo. 
become  tablet  mv. 


274  APPENDIX   VI. 

Line  II.      me   ka  mo  tie   shi  ka     SU me  ta      Pal    pi    bara  akke  barak 
this  to  me  of    fixed,    power  from,  rebel  the,  chief  who    was 

EN  uppi  en    ma  a 
lord  who  so  here  to, 

Line  III.     Ke    me     mo  tie  NUN  pi    u  ka  kas  sa  ka    gal    NUN  pi    u 
as  being,  me  of    king   the   I    to    smitten  become  king    the    I 

re       ne  tar 
servant  of  rule 

Line  IV.     SI  Karak  ke  SI      ak         gam        gal        bu  barak       BISa 

city  Karak  as  city  which  conquest  become  this  was,  supplication 

ne    gu     MUS    ka      shi  ka. 
its  word  record   to   have  fixed. 

The  word  Dutar  may  be  a  proper  name  or  only  mean 
"  made  to  rule."  The  meaning  appears  to  be  as 
follows  : — 

"  To  my  city.  I,  Totar,  as  a  record  addressed  to  the 
city  Karak  [Hamath],  having  become  chief,  therefore 
set  me  up  my  tablet :  since  the  chief  who  rebelled  from 
government,  who  was  lord  here,  was  smitten  of  me 
for  my  king,  I  the  king's  servant  rule ;  as  the  city  Karak 
[Hamath]  has  become  a  conquered  city  [I]  have  set  up 
a  record  speaking  of  its  homage." 

The  name  Karak,  "fortress,"  is  evidently  the  old 
Mongol  name  which  the  Semitic  peoples  afterwards  trans- 
lated Hamah  or  "fortress." 

No.  5.  This  text  is  remarkable  because  the  third  and 
fourth  lines  both  read  from  the  right — the  emblems 
all  pointing  to  the  right — which  is  not  the  case  in 
any  other  known  Hittite  text. 

Line  I.  BIS  me         ENu     kassa  sak  khirlu      SU       ak     ne     lu 

Supplications  Lord's,    conquest  writing  power  whose  it   with, 

ka  ke  gukkas  ne     ak  NUN  [Ab-i-su-ne  ?]  u    pi 

to,  as  warrior  his  who,  lord  P.N.         ...  I  who,  ..... 

Line  II.       MUS  ka     en        BIS  mo      gu       NUN    lu     mo    gu 

a  record  to,  as  supplication  my  speaks,     king    with  my  word 

MUS     khi         sasa  gu  SI  a     tie      ak      [ke     khir     mo 

record  what  ordering,  speaking  city  to,    it    which  [as  writing  my 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  275 

te  sa  f]       so  pi      LU  sa      keeke     mo    ka    a  tie      zo  pi      LU sa 
renders?]  thy  self  yoke  in,  carving   me   to,  it  of,  thy  self  yoke  in 

S/  a      mo    u    US     A  T    mo  ke 
city  to  my,   I   man  father  my  as 

Line  III.       tie         is        SI  a    mo  u        Dutar       ke[khulf]    gam  ka 

of  it  master,  city  to  my  I  become  lord,  as   [foe?]   conquering 

mo        gu       u   UN  ka  KAT   mo   ka  MU  ra      zalu       

of  me  speaks,  I  king  to,   hand    my,  to,  year  for  complete 

gamka        En  .   .  .    mo  ka   tie   sa        mo  me  tur  gu 

conquering,  lord[ship]  me   to,    it   in,    of  me    establishing  speaks, 

[til  f]   a  tie     SI  IP  barak  [tur  ?  tie  ?  lu  ?] 

all     it  his  province  having  been  [abiding,  him  with?] 

Line  IV.     mo    ka    fa      [Palpi?]      bara     akke      ra     ski  me    tie    barak 
me    to    so    [rebel  the  ?]    chief   which    for,    hostile    he    was : 

SAKH pi    EN  mo   sa     gi  [bar  f\  bar  ka  su       mo 

Babylonian  lord  me  in  again  having  caused  to  live,  power  my, 

[ka/  f]        mo     s/iisa  s/iisa      [En  f]   ko    [tie  f  ka]        kas        mo  tie 
prosperity   my,  makes  firm :     lord     for    thereof      smiting    me  of 

Am         ubba     [URUf\  a  sa  EN    uppi 

people,  which  to     city       it  in   Lord  who 

Line  V lu         kas  Turn  gar  mo 

with  smiting  protection  causes  me 

SU  e  sa  gi  pi  [NUN?]     gar  barak  ka        mo   ne 

power  its  in    again  which       king       causes    to  have  been,    me  he 

SAKH  pi    EN  [KURU  f]        gu. 
Babylonian  lord     gracious     speaking. 

This  text  being  much  damaged,  and  perhaps  purposely 
defaced  in  the  5th  line,  its  meaning  is  more  doubtful. 
It  appears,  however,  to  run  as  follows  : — 

Line  1.  "With  homage  to  him  by  whose  might  I  write 
of  a  Prince's  conquest,  as  one  who  fights  for  him, 
King  [Abisum  ?] 

Line  2.  as  a  record  speaking  of  my  homage,  saying  that 
which  I  with  my  king  command.  To  this  city  which 
[as  my  writing  states  2]  is  in  thy  own  government,  my 
inscription  this  [is].  To  my  city  subject  to  thyself 
I,  like  my  father, 

Line  3.  the  master  of  my  city,  I  Dutar  [or,  I  become 
ruler]  as  having  conquered  the   foe,  of  me  it  tells. 

1  Perhaps  ^6^,  not  khir,  "  as  my  power  establishes." 


276  APPENDIX   VI. 

I  for  the  king,  to  my  hand  a  year  ago  having  sub- 
dued   establishing  for  myself  my  lord[ship] 

therein  it  says.  The  whole  province  having  been  his, 
an  abode  for  me 

Line  4.  with  him,  the  rebel  who  was  its  chief  having 
been  hostile,  the  lord  of  the  Babylonians  [or  the 
rightful  lord]  having  caused  me  again  to  live  there, 
securing  my  power  [and]  my  prosperity,  smiting  the 
lord  thereof.  To  the  people  who  were  in  the  city  the 
lord  who by  me 

Line  5 smiting,   he  gives  protection  :  that  the 

king  again  has  caused  me  to  be  powerful  therein 
graciously  says,  of  me  the  Babylonian  [or,  rightful] 
lord." 

The  text  refers,  therefore,  to  a  reconquest  of  Hamath, 
by  aid  of  the  king,  whose  name  is  much  damaged.  If  it 
be,  as  proposed  to  be  read,  Ebisum,  it  refers  to  the  eighth 
king  of  the  1st  dynasty  (2059-2034  B.C.)  The  conquest 
of  Hamath  is  likely  to  have  occurred  later  than  that  of 
Carchemish. 

ALEPPO. 

Two  texts  existed  here,  both  of  which  have  been  de- 
stroyed. One  of  them  has  been  copied  by  various 
explorers,  but  was  apparently  much  defaced,  so  that  the 
copies  vary  considerably,  and  the  reading  is  therefore 
very  doubtful.  That  made  by  George  Smith  is  the 
best  defined.1 

Line  I.     U  ke  SI  mu  a  [da  ?]  [NUN  SI  KHILBI  ?]  Eriaku   ne  sa  a 
I   as  city  my  it     at      [Lord  city    Aleppo?]      P.  N.,  this  in  it 

pe        zu     [SI?  IP?  PI '?] 
make  know,         province 

Line   II.      UN    [Makh?\   .    .    .      [Mir Mir  lit]         IV.     [Pal  ?\  yak 
Lord       great  causing  to  write ;    fourth     year     and 

VII.       LIT   [sa  ? ]  tara  ka      kar       ne    UN    tul. 
seventh  month    in,     rule  to,  fortress  this  lord  raises. 


1  Proc.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  Tune  iS 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  2JJ 

The  state  of  the  text  renders  most  of  this  very  doubtful ; 
but  the  name  of  the  writer,  "worshipper  of  the  Moon-god," 
appears  to  be  clear,  and  occupies  the  chief  position  in  the 
inscription,  which  would  mean — 

"  I  [Eriaku],  as  the  lord  of  this  my  city  of  Aleppo,1 
hereby  make  known  [as]  lord  of  the  province  causing  it 
to  be  written  ;  in  the  fourth  year  and  seventh  month  of 
rule,   this  fortress  the  ruler  erects." 

The  name  Eriaku  (Arioch)  was  no  doubt  common 
among  the  Kassites  and  Elamites,  and  no  date  can  be 
established  ;  but  the  text  appears  to  refer  to  the  building 
of  a  fortress  (or  perhaps  a  temple,  since  the  sign  is  doubt- 
ful, and  might  be  E  instead  of  kar)  in  the  city  of  Aleppo. 

BULGAR   MADEN. 

We  next  turn  to  texts  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Hittite 
country,  of  which  the  finest  is  found  at  Bulgar  Maden. 
It  is  carved  on  rock,  on  the  borders  of  Cilicia  and  Cappa- 
docia,  north  of  Tarsus,  and  has  been  carefully  copied  by 
Mr  D.  G.  Hogarth.  The  writing  is  more  sketchy  than 
that  of  preceding  texts,  either  because  it  is  incised  or 
because  it  is  of  later  date.  Some  of  the  characters  ap- 
proach very  closely  to  the  Cypriote.  It  appears  to  have 
been  intentionally  defaced  at  a  time  when  the  writing  was 
understood,  probably  by  the  writer's  enemies. 

Line  I.       Gudenemckeli       yak      IPpi    e    khul pe  yak    eri    maaklu  yak 
Proclamation  by,  both  region  it    hostile,   and  him  abiding  and 

IP  pine  saaklu        yak    khirka  de  ne  pe  yak     ne 

region  the  of,  addressing,   and   writing   making  to  make,    also    he 

a  gar         ne     kur    lu       agu     ra    UN     gu  [de  f]      lu 

it  causing,  this  land  yoke  crown  for  lord,  proclaims,  with  .  . 

ne       tillu         sa  ne       barak  gu       ne  me     yak     LO         ak 

its  completion  in  it  having  been :  word     these,      and  record  which 

[keke  f] 
is  cut, 

1  The  best  copies  (by  G.  Smith  and  C.  F.  T.  Drake)  show  remains 
of  the  sign  NUN  and  of  kar  (otherwise  sounded  khil),  with  bi  inside 
— a  compound  ideogram  for  the  city  name. 


278  APPENDIX   VI. 

Line  II.      Ne  a      gar       ne    US    Eri-Aku     rake     sakh  tie    [IDfpif] 
He  it  causing,  he  man      P.N.       made,    of  right     the  power 

mo  ka  ne  dede    SI  Larasa   dera    sa  MAN  barak        yak   ne 

to  me  he  gave,  city  Larsa  ruling  in,    king   having  been  ;  and  that 

ni  sa      Siippi     ka    KURUKHU      aa      UN  mo    a  sa  tik       gar 
it  in   province,    to  prince  it  to   lord,  me  it  in  all    makes 

turn  yak  ne  turn  [ga^^\       yak      ese    mo   yak      Pal 

protect,  and  of  it  protection  [there  is  ?],  both  these  my,  and  former 

ne      sir  pi       yak         vo         ke     mo    yak         de  turn  ke. 

of  possession  also  regarding  as  mine,  also  giving  protection. 

Line.  III.         e  ni  pi  ko  mo  a    sara  turn-turn,  mo  khulmera. 

these  the  for  me  to  ruling,  making  protection  my  foes  among. 

yak     Ma  sa  ra     yak  khul  me  Us    [Ref\  mo    er    yak  LU  me  ven 
And  abode  royal ;  and    foes'     man  servant  my  him,  and    obedient 

mo       es      LU       ra       yak  ko  akke  LU  a   tie  SI  Makh  ra   pal 
of  me  those  yoke  toward,  and  all  who  yoke  to  its  city  princely,  long 

rabi  sakh  ne  de  rake        yak    gu   mo  ke     LO 

serving,  prosperous,  to  become  was  made  ;  and  word  my  as  record, 

UN  ....     gu  ke      UN  a        turn  de         mo  te  yak 

lord  ....  spoken ;  lord  it  protection  causing,  me  establishes,  and 

.   .  .   me  mo       pe  tie  turn  er        LO  ak       sa    ne 

my  makes ;    of  it  protection  his   a  record    which    in   he 

a  gar      ne  sa  eri  ne     de- 
it  causing,  it  in,  him  of  made 

Line  IV.     -delu  PAM  bu     mo     yak        glide      ne       ak        hi 

do.      Proclamation   this   my,    and   utterance   it   which   with 

dede       [khif\lupi  es         pi  bi  Rimka  -ka      yak 

made,     [the  doing  ?]     these  things  demands:       [tribute?]       and 

Zar    gargar     Manko    tie    ....     US    ne  .  .  ne  [ke  ?]  .  .   rake 
store  treasure,  king  for  its,  man  as  made, 

dera  mo  ne  raka     ak      ene    yak  ....  sarake  yak     eri 

rule   me  of  made,  who  them,  and  ....    have  ordered,    and  man 

tie     Siip  sa        khul  ka  LU  ka  ka  SI  sa       si      khul    ma       ak 
him  province  in  foe  to   bound  to,  city  in  facing  foe's  home  which 

nl        bi  ul      gar  de  [khi  f]  pi  sa      lakhkhisa 

is,  demand  to  be  made  [notice  ?]  the  in,  is  made  clear, 

Line  V.     ne  lakh  barak         yak      dera  US  ne   ake        siake 

it  clear  having  been   and  ordering:    Man   it   who  beholding, 

yak     ne     ko       ak     yak         ra  ne  ke         akka  ....     a   ne  barak 
both  him  for  what,  and   [concerning  f]   what  ...   .  to,  it    was, 

eri       [Tar  f]  go  ee  lu     tik        guke  yak     ke    khul 

him    [the    chief?]    speaking  with,    all    has    said  ;    and    as     foe 
.    .    .  UN        ra         a    sa        Siip      ka    SI       ak        mo 

[conquering?]  king  towards  it  in,  province  to,  city  which  mine, 
yak  tik  yak  kar  rit  SI  be  a  ne  sa  SI  ak  de 
both  mound  and  fort  making,  city  ruined  it  in,   city  which  new 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  279 

veil  SI    mo        LU   a  UN  sa  ra  .  .  .  ID  .  .  .    SI     pi     ud     a 
is,  city  of  me  yoke  to  lord  ruling      power[ful],     city  the  when  it 

ne  .       .   ne    tukke. 
of  it  holding. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  references  to  the  success  of 
the  writer  and  to  defeat  of  the  enemy  seem  to  have  been 
erased,  and  four  or  five  emblems  missing  in  the  first  line 
may  have  contained  the  name  of  the  conqueror,  which, 
unless  it  be  recognised  as  Targo  (or  Tarkun)  in  the  fifth 
line,  is  absent.  The  word  Targo  may,  however,  mean 
only  "  chief,"  and  both  signs  are  doubtful.  Rendered 
into  English  syntax  from  the  peculiar  Mongolic  and 
agglutinative  structure  which  is  strictly  followed  in  the 
original,  this  long  text  reads  as  follows  : — 

"  By  proclamation  addressing  both  the  hostile  region 
and  him  who  abides  in  this  region,  and  causing  it  to 
be  written,  he  who  so  does — lord  of  the  country  subject 
to  the  crown — announces,  this.  .  .  .  having  been  com- 
pleted, Eriaku  has  caused  these  words,  and  the  tablet 
which  is  cut,  to  be  made.  He  gave  to  me  the  power  for 
good  [or  of  Babylon 1],  being  king  ruling  in  the  city 
Larasa  [Larsa]  ;  and  me,  the  prince  of  the  province,  he 
causes  to  protect  all  that  is  therein,  and  it  is  protected 
[or,  and  he  protects  it] ;  and  he  regards  these  and  my 
former  possessions  as  mine,  and  gives  protection,  and  is 
my  protection  among  foes  for  those  that  I  rule.  And 
the  royal  land  and  the  foreigner  who  serves  me  and  is 
obedient  [or  subjected]  :  he  who  is  my  subject,  and 
every  one  who  has  long  served  subject  to  the  great  [or 
princely]  city,  has  been  made  prosperous  ;  and  as  a 
record  of  Lord  .  .  .  my  word  is  uttered,  the  lord  who 
gives  protection  establishing  me  and  making  me  .  .  . 
and  that  which  is  in  the  record  of  his  protection  he  has 
caused  to  be  stated.  This  my  memorial  [or  proclama- 
tion], and  the  publication  made  thereof,  demands  that 
these  things  be  [done  ?].  Tribute,  and  treasure  of  store- 
houses for   its   king,  men  .  .   .   decision  being  made  by 

1  The  word  sakh  has,  however,  here  no  determinative  of  place. 


280  APPENDIX   VI. 

me,  who  have  ruled  them  and  .  .  .  and  to  him  in  the 
province  subject  to  the  foe,  in  a  place  facing  the  enemy's 
country,  the  demand  which  will  be  made  is  made  clear 
in  this  [notification  ?],  it  being  clear  and  decisive.  The 
chief,  speaking  to  the  man  who  sees  this,  has  told  all 
that  concerned  him  and  what  has  been.  .  .  .  And  as 
having  [conquered  ?]  the  foe  of  the  lord  of  this  province, 
which  place  is  mine,  building  both  mound  [or  fortifica- 
tion] and  castle  in  the  old  [or  ruined]  city,  it  is  a  new 
city,  a  city  subject  to  me — a  power[ful]  ruling  lord  since 
the  [conquest?]  of  the  city  holding  possession  of  it." 

The  writer  would  appear  to  have  extended  his  do- 
minions and  placed  his  notice  on  the  frontier,  which 
was  formed  by  the  great  spur  of  the  Taurus  dividing 
Cilicia  from  Cappadocia.  The  date  (under  Eriaku  of 
Larsa)  would  be  about   2150  B.C. 

IBREEZ. 

The  sculpture  on  a  rock  north-west  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia 
has  been  already  described.  The  figure  of  the  god,  who 
holds  corn  and  wine,  and  is  girt  with  flames,  is  20  feet 
high,  and  that  of  the  worshipper  about  12  feet.  The 
base  of  the  bas-relief  is  some  9  feet  above  the  stream 
flowing  by  the  rock.  There  are  three  short  texts — one 
before  the  god's  face,  one  behind  the  worshipper,  and  a 
third  beneath  the  bas-relief,  the  last  being  almost  effaced. 

No.  1,  line  I.     [A'af]   ne      Stipe      LU  gamkalu    ka  UN  pi 
This    of    province  yoke  conquered  to  lord  the 

Line  II.     ne  a     gar      tie   te  lit    ne       RA        me  dtt      se 

him  causing  to  adore,  he  possession  to  be  grants, 

Line  III.      LU  mo     is    sa  gar  lu. 
yoke  my  here  in  causing. 

The  sign  Z£/J  as  elsewhere,  stands  for  "yoke,"  "govern- 
ment," "subjection,"  as  in  the  Tell  Amarna  letters. 

"  Of  this,  a  conquered  province,  the  god,  whom  I  cause 
to  be  adored,  has  given  possession,  causing  me  to  rule  it." 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  28 1 

No.  2,  line  I.     Ne      die         ab     ka 
He  coming  house  to 

Line  II.      ne      re  a 
him  service 

Line  III.     ne  gar  lu     sar  pi 
he  making,  king  the 

Tic  us  ka. 
Tuska. 

"  He  who  approaches,  worshipping  his  temple,  is  King 
Tuska." 

As  ab  also  means  "  father,"  it  may  mean  that  the  deity 
is  the  king's  father. 

No.  3 Ne  ne  mo      gar         tim     sa   UN  Alussa    aka       vo 

He  it  me  causing,  region  in  lord,  Alosha  which  name 

manvo. 
is  named. 

In  the  decayed  state  of  the  text  this  rendering  is  doubt- 
ful. It  is,  however,  to  be  remarked  that  the  region  called 
Alasiya  (Elishah)  in  the  Tell  Amarna  letters,  is  called 
Alosha  on  the  docket  written  on  one  tablet  by  the 
Egyptian  librarian.  Alosha  was  a  maritime  region  near 
the  Hittite  country,  and  appears  to  have  been  in  Cilicia, 
where  the  present  text  occurs.  There  are  two  or  more 
emblems  in  the  second  line  which  are  not  intelligible,  but 
the  rest  seems  to  read,  "  By  his  will  I  am  lord  of  the 
region  called  Alosha." 


MT.   SIPYLOS. 

The  text  on  the  so-called  "Niobe"  was  copied  by 
Dennis  in  1881,  and  afterwards  by  Prof.  Sayce.  The 
copies  do  not  entirely  agree,  and  the  emblems  are  appar- 
ently much  worn.     They  appear  to  read — 

Ma  a  Nun  Amrabe, 

which  might  mean  "Amrabe  [dedicates]  to  Ma,"  or  else 
"  Maa  is  the  goddess  of  the  race."  The  name  Amrabe, 
if  it  refers  to  a  king  (Nun),  reminds  us  of  'Ammurabi. 


282  APPENDIX   VI. 

Ma  is  the  Earth  goddess,  and  the  name  was  well  known  to 
the  Greeks  as  that  of  a  deity  in  Asia  Minor. 

K  ARAB  EL. 

The  inscribed  figure  was  discovered  by  Renouard  in 
1839,  and  described  by  Texier  in  his  travels.  One  copy 
is  given  in  Rawlinson's  'Herodotus'  (vol.  ii.  p.  174),  and 
a  photograph  is  given  in  Dr  Wright's  '  Empire  of  the 
Hittites  '  (Plate  xviii.)  The  figure  is  140  feet  from  the 
ground,  and  the  copies  of  the  emblems  show  that  they 
are  much  decayed.  Dr  Sayce's  copy,  made  in  i879,x 
gives  an  additional  emblem  as  half  effaced.  The  second 
line,  indeed,  appears  to  be  extremely  illegible,  and  it  is 
doubtful  whether  it  contained  two  or  four  emblems. 
Comparing  the  two  copies  and  the  photograph,  the 
emblems  appear  to  be — 

Us  am  ma 
SI  khu  Pal; 

or,  if  the  emblems  si-khit  are  a  compound,  as  in  cunei- 
form, we  might  read  Us  Amma  mut  la/.2  This  may  be  a 
personal  name  ("son  of  the  race  of  Sikhu,"  the  Kassite 
name  of  Marduk),  or  may  be  variously  rendered,  accord- 
ing as  pal  is  understood  to  stand  for  "  smote  "  or  for 
"crossed  over" — "One  who  has  smitten  the  place  of  this 
people  ; "  or,  "  One  who  has  marched  over  the  place  of 
this  people."  The  renderings,  however,  are  very  doubtful, 
from  the  state  of  the  text. 

According  to  Herodotus,  there  was  a  text  in  hieratic 
Egyptian  characters  on  the  breast  of  this  statue,  which  did 
not  give  the  name  of  the  hero  but  only  the  words,  "  This 
country  I  have  subdued  by  the  power  of  my  arm  "  (Herod., 
vol.  ii.  p.  102).  This  is  very  close  to  the  suggested  trans- 
lation ;  but  the  text  is  not  on  the  breast  of  the  figure,  nor 
is  it  Egyptian.    Herodotus  speaks  of  the  costume  as  partly 

1  Trans.  Bib.  Arch.  Soc,  vol.  vii.  p.  265. 

2  Compare  the  name  Mutalli  for  a  Gamgum  chief. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  283 

Ethiopian,   partly   Egyptian.       He    supposed    the   person 
represented  to  be  Sesostris. 

DOGHANLU   DERESI. 

The  emblems  of  the  bas-relief  at  this  site  in  Phrygia, 
between  Koutahiah  and  Sevri  Hissar,  are  also  extremely 
rude  and  indefinite.  They  were  sketched  by  Professor 
Ramsay. 

BOR. 

The  upper  half,  found  by  Professor  Ramsay  at  Tyana, 
of  a  stela  with  a  royal  figure,  the  lower  part  being  still 
uncopied  at  Bor.  The  characters  are  incised,  and  well 
formed.  They  have  been  carefully  copied  by  Mr  D.  G. 
Hogarth. 

Line  I.      Yak  ne  a      gar        ne     lu        sa       yak  mene    ne      ak      lu 
Both  he  it  causing  this  with  to  say  and  those  him  who  with 

Zu  ma  lu    ra  A/an    ak      lie  [ka  f]       kaspi        tillu 
Zumalu    for,  king  who  subject  to,  smiting  complete 

Line  II.        ven     yak   mo  [Tar?]     neka  pe        yak  ne  dede 

made,  and  me     chief     this  to  making,  also  he  causes  make, 

yak    ud    gam  [me  ?]   yak   karsalu  yak  [S  U  f]  aklu  yak  [gu  f]    lu 
and  now  conquering,  both  lawfully  and  powerfully,  and  word  with 

mo  er     gu       yak    ne 
me  it  telling ;  and  this 

Line  III.    yak     [Makh  ?]      Tim  pi  ven    ne  reka        yak    gudenic 

also  [of  prince?]   allegiance,    him  servant  to,  and  utterance, 

er    ke  UN  mo  ka       si  ne  kc      Tim  pi  ven       ne  te  sa      yak 

him  as  lord  me  to  before,   thereof,    allegiance    establishes  ;    and 

Siippi    e  sa 
province  it  in 

Line  IV.    yak      ne        Aku       alal      me  yak    US   ne       gamlu       barak 
also  of  him  crown  restored  is,  and  man  its  conquering  [life?] 

er   ka    pu. 
him  to  long. 

The  differences  of  the  two  copies  give  rise  to  some 
doubts  as  to  parts  of  the  text,  but  its  meaning  appears 
to  be — 

"  Both  he  who  hereby  causes  to  speak  and  those  who 


284  APPENDIX   VI. 

are  with  him,  who  are  subject  to  Zumalu  the  king,  have 
made  end  of  smiting,  and  he  has  caused  me  to  be  made 
chief  thereto  and  now  victorious,  both  lawfully  and  power- 
fully, through  his  command  spoken  to  me  ;  and  this  also 
establishes  the  allegiance  [or  obligation]  of  a  prince  who 
is  his  servant,  making  proclamation  of  him  as  in  presence 
of  my  lord,  and  his  crown  is  restored  in  this  province 
[long  may  he  live  conquering  his  people?]." 

GURUN. 

At  this  site  in  Southern  Cappadocia,  north  of  Mer'ash, 
two  texts  were  found  by  Sir  C.  W.  Wilson,  and  carefully 
copied  by  Mr  D.  G.  Hogarth.  One  of  these  is  too  frag- 
mentary to  treat.  The  other  appears  from  the  copy  to 
run  as  follows,1  the  emblems  being  incised  : — 

Line  I.      UN  SI    me    UN  SI      UNa      UN  SI   .  ...  da   e  NUN  ko 
lord  city  [pi]  lord  city  lord  to,  lord  city  it    king    for 

UNSAR  yak   [gal?]  yak  .  .  .    SI- UN  ZAB  gu\def\    Rideme 
suzerain    both    great,    and  city       ruler  proclaims  glory, 

ke  NUN  [na  ?  me]  iak 

as    lord  and 

Line  II.     71  Tarka  dimme  e  zu  NUN  NUN  ko    ne   .    .    .    . 

I    Tarkatimme    it  acknowledge    lord      lord    for  his 

URU  e  Ko  ru  mo      LA      .   .  .  e 

city     it     Gurun,     a  tablet 

Line  III.       LA     mo     LA    dim    er    .   .  . 
tablet  my  tablet    as    him 

Line  IV.     ne  ....  ko  ne  ...  .    Pal  VIII  ne  mo  yak  NUN  ka  e   SI 

year  eight  it  my,  and    lord  to    it  city 

ake  XVIII  PAL  ke    ne  .  .  .    VIII  ne  UD  ka  IV  ne    LIT  ka 
which  eighteenth  year  his,  eighth    day  to,  fourth  month  to, 

Tarka  te  mo. 
chieftainship  my. 

Line  V.     ...  IP  ka  e       UN  .   .    .   .   al  hi  hi  .   .   .       gam  ko        UN 
region  to  it,        lord  conquest  for,    lord 

....       XXVIII  UN  SI       me  raa  raa  glide  dim 

twenty-eight,    lord  city    (pi.)    making  possess,    saying  as 

er  mo. 
it  my. 

1  The  copies  not  being  very  certain,  are  not  reproduced. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  285 

This  text,  though  much  damaged,  is  fairly  clear,  and 
valuable  as  giving  the  best  examples  of  the  numerals. 
It  appears  to  mean — 

"  To  the  lord  of  the  most  royal  city  of  royal  cities,  the 

royal  city for  its  king,  a  suzerain  both  great  and 

.  .  .  the  lord  of  a  city  speaks,  in  his  honour  proclaiming, 
as  king,  and  ...  I  Tarkadimme  acknowledge.  The 
king's  king  .  .  .  the  city  Gorumo  [i.e.,  Gurun]  a  tablet 
.  .  .  my  tablet,  as  a  tablet  .  .  .  him  ...  my  eighth 
year  .  .  .  and  the  eighteenth  of  the  lord  [whose  the  place 
is  ?],  the  eighth  day  of  the  fourth  month  of  my  establish- 
ment as  chief  ...  to  the  region,  the  lord  .  .  .  having 
[brought  back  ?]  .  .  .  [as]  a  conquest  for  .  .  .  twenty- 
eight  royal  cities  of  lord  .   .  .  being  proclaimed  mine." 

It  appears  that  Tarkadimme  had  been  established  eight 
years  three  months  eight  days  in  the  city  Gorumo  or 
Gurun  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  a  suzerain  whose  name 
was  perhaps  purposely  erased,  together  with  words  refer- 
ring to  conquest. 

IZGHIN. 

At  this  place,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Khurman 
Su,  about  half-way  between  Yarpuz  and  El  Bistan,  Mr 
Hogarth  found  a  limestone  obelisk  8  feet  high,  with 
a  text  in  seventy  short  lines  running  round  the  four 
sides.  It  was  hastily  copied,  and  the  photographs  are 
not  clear,  while  the  original  is  much  defaced.  The 
emblems,  however,  are  in  relief,  and  therefore  better 
formed  than  those  of  the  incised  texts.  The  following 
appears  to  be  legible  : — 

BISmc     ra     LUke,     e    so    mo  nc      barak         is     a      tttk       .   .   .  ka  er 
Homage  for  subject,  it  thy  me  of,  has  been  ;  here  it  holding 

.  ...  lu  ...  e  ...   .     is     NUN  ka  .   .  .  NUN  NUN  ko   ke 
here    lord     to  lord       lord   for  as, 

NUN  dim  ke    zo    ne  .  .  .  .      neke     mo     is        zo      NUN  NUN 

lord    like  as  thee  of  thereof  my  here  thou,     lord      lord 

ka       At         gar  es       is      nc     AB      er    tur    ....     er     .  .    til 
to,  father's  dwelling  here  of,  house  his  sets  him  all 


286  APPENDIX   VI. 


....       pe       sirke    mo     zo      MI    til    a       es       ke     mo         gu 
makes,  order  my  thou  land  all  to  those  as  mine  sayest, 

Tar  [NUN NUN?]   khi    ko        ragal      UN  .  .  .  .   a  sa  til  ke 
chief,     lord        lord,      who  for,  am  made,  lord  it  in  all  as 

mo     MI    .  .  ne  yak   e    ko   ke  mo  e  ra    ak     sa       ak      ta     ro  e 
mine  land         of,  and  it  for  as  me  it  for  what  in  ;  which  so  doing, 

a  u  \Makh  ?~[  a   ne      me      EN  ke   AM  A   e    a   ne     is       rede     er 
it  I     prince     it  of  being,  lord  as,  people  its,  it  of,  here,  service  it 

zo    ko  a  tie     e        ke       sasa         US     LU     u    kara     e  ne    mo 
thee  for  it  of  speak,  as  ordering  ;  man  subject  I  acting,  it  of  mine 

[AKA  P]      lu        UN  ra   UN  .  .  .  ne  .  .  ka  ke     mo    e   [bu  udf] 
[crown?]  subject  lord  to,  lord  as  mine  it  this  day, 

ta  kee  ke  me   ko  me     US     turn. 
so  sculpture  carving  man  makes. 

A  consecutive  reading  of  parts  only  is  possible  in  the 
first  seven  lines.  The  subject  is  the  same  as  on  other 
texts,  and  the  latter  part  appears  to  run — 

"  Thou  the  king's  king  hast  set  me  .  .  .  here  in  the 
abode  of  my  father's  dwelling  thou  callest  all  those  of 
this  land  mine,  who  am  made  chief  for  the  king's  king,  a 
lord  .  .  .  therein  all  the  .  .  .  land,  and  what  is  in  it 
being  mine,  whereby  I,  being  its  prince  as  lord  of  the 
people,  here  acknowledge  duty  to  thee,  I  acting  as  a 
subject,  my  crown  being  subject  to  the  lord  [who  is]  lord 
of  .    .  .  as  the  sculptor  makes  my  sculpture  [to-day  ?]." 

Here  also  later  enemies  seem  to  have  erased  the  per- 
sonal names.  The  copy,  being  uncertain,  has  not  been 
reproduced. 

PALANGA. 

This  text  is  on  the  front,  left  side,  and  back  of  the 
lower  part  of  a  basalt  statue  of  a  seated  figure,  the  writing 
being  incised,  and  beginning  on  the  left.  The  copy, 
which  is  not  reproduced,  is  again  uncertain,  but  seems 
to  read — 

Line  I.     Ride  ne  EN  yak  EN   de  gamlu    Zobu  ma  pe  NUN  pi    Makh 
glory  of  lord,  and  lord  conquering,  Zobumape     lord    the,  great, 

[gam?]  er  dup pu  kee  ke 

conquest  his  tablet,  has  been  carved. 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  287 

Line  II.       Pi    er    Aku    mo    ra  ke    yak  .  .  .     re  bar  mo  tie      mo     yak 
who  it   crown  my  made,  and  .  .  .  service  me  of:    me     also 

Naa  ne  eri  ka  \def~\gam   ko    ne  er  SU  me  ke     IP       ni   er   e. 
Nanaeri     to,  conquests  for,  he  it  subduing,  region  this  his  it. 

Line  III.      bu       lit     tuk    US  til  Pal  ke    bu    yak    SI    ak  ke     SI  IP 
this    with   has      every  rebel      this  and  city  which   Province 

tukra     SI    sakh  me       Slip      dim  yak    ga7nme?nelu  yak        re 
taking,  city  Babylon's  province    as,    both   conquered,  and  subject, 

yak  ra  [bi?~\  a        [ugamf\melu  gam  ra  pi     ne  er. 

and    servile?   it  I  having  conquered,  conquest  for  which  it  his. 

Line  IV.      Aku        gar      mo    ra      c  pi  Yak  besa        ka    ke      LU pi 

Crown   causes  me  for  which,    and   homage   to,   as   the  yoke 

takh    yak  UN    er    a    ra       bi  a        karka    NUN  ka     neke       ka 
is  set;  and  lord  him  it  for  praying,  fortress    king    to  thereof,  to, 

yak        tilde  neko  me  a  pi     a      mo        AB     yak  a    ne       mo 

also   completion  for  is,   which  it  of  me  house,  and  it  this  mine 

LIT  X  lu  kaspe  eye  [til  f]     yak  ne  bar      ra 

tenth  month  with,  smiting  the  its  finished,  and   it     is    finished, 

yak      XII  a        ndesa  [LIT  pi]  a         rake  tillu 

and     twelfth     day    in    [month     the],     to     making    is    finished, 

fit  gar  I  it  ka. 
made  caused. 

The  text,  therefore,  applies  to  the  statue  of  the  suzerain 
set  up  by  Nanaeri. 

"  Lord  of  glory  and  conquering  lord,  Zobumape  [or 
Suvuvape]  the  great  king  his  tablet  is  carved  who  made 
my  crown  ;  and,  [because  of  ?]  my  being  his  servant,  of 
me  also  Nanaeri  ["  the  servant  of  Nana "]  he  subduing 
this  region  for  a  conquest  possesses  it ;  every  rebel  and 
city  that  the  province  holds,  as  a  province  of  Babylon, 
being  both  conquered  and  subject  and  obedient ;  I  having 
conquered  it  as  a  conquest  for  him,  he  gives  me  the 
crown  and  homage ;  the  government  being  established, 
and  wishing  for  him  as  lord ;  also  on  the  completion  of 
the  royal  fortress  which  is  my  abode  ;  and  in  the  tenth 
month  the  smiting  being  ended,  and  in  the  twelfth  day 
of  the  month  the  making  is  finished  of  what  was  done." 

As  the  letters  B,  V,  and  M  are  little  distinguished  in 
Akkadian,  it  is  possible  that  Zubuvape  was  the  same 
person  as  Sumuabi,  the  first  king  of  Babylon  in  2250  B.C. 


288  APPENDIX   VI. 


ARSLAN   TEPE. 


This  place  ("the  lion  mound")  is  a  large  mound  near 
the  village  of  Ordasu,  some  three  miles  north  -  east  of 
Malatiya,  and  appears,  according  to  Mr  Hogarth,  to  be 
the  oldest  site  of  the  city  of  Malatiya,  which  we  have 
seen  to  be  mentioned  by  Tiglath-Pileser  I.  as  early  as 
1 130  B.C.  It  stands  in  Matiene,  the  country  of  the 
Minyan  king  Dusratta,  who  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.C. 
wrote  in  the  same  language  found  on  these  monuments. 

A  limestone  block  4  feet  long  is  carved  in  high  relief, 
and  two  other  fragments  were  found  with  a  figure  of  a 
seated  deity  and  traces  of  an  archer  and  a  chariot. 
These  formed  part  of  a  building  now  buried  in  the 
mound.  Under  the  goddess  is  a  broken  text  in  relief, 
of  which  only  a  few  words  remain — 

.  .  garreka  tiekoka  ne  .  .  . 

Perhaps  "  to  erect  a  fortress  he  "  .  .  . 

The  larger  block,  with  a  bas-relief  representing  a  con- 
queror, has  two  lines  of  inscription  in  relief,  of  which  Mr 
Hogarth  gives  a  copy.  The  emblems  are  apparently  in 
part  erased,  but  the  text  appears  to  run — 

Line  I.       KA      Nine     [Ma  f]      si       UN  sa  ka   I  PR  A  a       khi<      UX 
House  Nina's    abode   before  lord  in  to,  region  to    prince  lord 

du  lu,   khul  khi     dim     [gam  ¥]     Tarkodimus    US         SU        kar 
being    foe    who  made  conquer,      P.  name,      man  powerful,   fort 

Man  ni. 
royal  of. 

Line  II.        LA      [de  turf]       [khir  n e  gar  lu  keke  ?]. 
Tablet  makes  fix,  writing  this  causing  carve. 

Which  would  mean — 

"  Before  the  house  of  Nina's  abode  to  the  god  therein 
Tarkodimus,  who  is  lord  of  the  region,  one  who  has 
conquered  the  foe,  the  man  ruling  the  royal  fortress,  has 
set  up  a  tablet,  causing  this  to  be  written." 

The  sign  Man  is  doubtful,  but  kar-Manni  might  mean 
"  the  Minyan  fortress." 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  289 

IASILI-KAIA. 

The  bas-reliefs  at  this  place,  east  of  Pteria,  have  been 
described  ;  but  only  four  emblems  are  found  beside  the 
figures,  one  of  which  is  much  defaced.  They  might 
read,  SI-is-khi-H,  "  This  place  here  is  holy,"  as  a  notice 
to  intruders.  Humann  and  Puchstein  (Reisen,  p.  64)  give 
another  group  SI  pi  du  sakh,  "  This  place  is  made  holy." 

KOLITOLU    YAILA. 

The  text  here  found  is  much  injured.  It  is  cut  in 
a  red  calcareous  stone,  the  emblems  being  in  relief  and 
well  carved.  A  copy  was  made  by  Mr  Hogarth,  but  the 
reading  is  very  doubtful. 

As  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the  copy,  and  from  the 
photograph,  this  text — much  injured  in  the  first  line — 
reads  somewhat  as  below  : — 

Line  I.     Is     e  [khir  ?]  ra  ke  ...  me  ...  a  gurda  UN  ra  guk  ko  me  ke 
Here  it       written  record  lord  for         wars 

.   .  .   UN ko  me  UN  kas  ka 

lord  all        lord  smiting 

Line    II.       til  til  lu     [A/US  f]  un     kas-gug    lu      khir            Sar 

completed      record  his    victorious    he    writes.     The  king 

sir           gug     ra  ke  rum  me  US  me  ke  \a\   dim  me   ra  ka 

commanding  war  making  records      servants     to    peaceful  made 

SI    pi    ...   me  li  me 
place  the  ...     by      is 

Line    III.  khir  a  bu       sir       til  til    .    .    .    me      man  guk  ko 

he    writes :    this    order    fulfilled  is     having  fought 

su  ?ne  sic  me  sa  UN  Du  tar     is    [sa  f]  ke  UN  kar  a  men  ne 
overpowering  :  lord  Totar    here    in     as  lord  fort  to      is 

This  is  also  apparently  a  record  of  victory.  "  What  is 
here  written  is  a  record  [or  sign]  ...  of  the  king's  wars  : 
Lord  .  .  .  lord  of  all,  having  completed  the  subduing, 
writes  his  memorial  of  victory.  By  command  of  the  suze- 
rain having  made  war,  he  records.  The  place  having 
been  made  peaceful  for  subjects  by  means  of  ...  he 
writes,  that  the  command  is  fulfilled.  Having  fought 
victoriously,  Lord  Totar,  has  become  lord  of  the  fortress 
here." 

T 


290  APPENDIX    VI. 

SAMOSATA. 

An  imperfect  example  is  given  by  Puchstein,  but  the 
copy  does  not  allow  of  any  reliable  reading.  It  includes 
nine  short  lines  of  writing  on  a  bas-relief  representing  a 
long-robed  figure. — (Jieisen,  Tafel  xlix.  1-3.) 

BABYLON. 

The  bowl  from  Babylon,  now  in  the  British  Museum, 
is  of  rather  coarse  basalt.  It  is  13  inches  in  diameter 
and  8^4  inches  high,  with  a  foot  or  base  i]A,  inches 
across  and  2  ]/i  inches  high.  A  single  line  of  incised 
writing  runs  round  the  outside.  The  forms  of  the  em- 
blems are  conventionalised,  and  the  text  may  be  con- 
sidered late. 

Khe  keeke  mo  KURU  KHU  A  AM  AR  PI  SI  UN  ka  yak 
This    carving    mine,  prince  Amarpi,  city   lord  to,    and 

tie        US      epi  ra        desa    yak  yak    ni        eri       UN       gam 
of  him  man  whom  for  given,  and  also  him  adoring  lord,  conquest 

BUR    sa      SUP        rake        kee  ke  me      ne    ven  tar  yak      neke 
river    in    province    made,    carving  this    it     is  cut,    and   thereof 

til  ka  yak    UNSAR  yak   ne  targu  ra         barak  gam      tim 

all  to   also  suzerain,    and  its    chief  to    having  been,  conquest  as 

a     ?ie    ven      zap  pi  ne        UN      mo  be  ka  pe        zid  ke        re 

it    his    is,    hosts  the  its    lord,  of  me    slain  made,   now  as  subject 

tim  es  lit  mo 
regions  with  my. 

The  bowl,  therefore,  was  dedicated  to  a  temple  as  a 
votive  offering  on  occasion  of  victories  in  the  region  of 
Bur,  a  word  which  signifies  "  flowing  "  —  probably  that 
near  the  river  Euphrates.  The  name  of  the  prince  is 
doubtful,  as  the  signs  Am  and  bi  are  ill  formed.  A-Amarbi 
would  mean  "son  of  glory."  It  is  somewhat  like  that  of 
'Ammurabi,  which,  however,  is  differently  explained  in 
Assyrian.  It  also  recalls  the  Amrabe  of  the  Sipylos 
statue,  apparently  a  king's  name.  The  rendering  in 
English  syntax  will  give  the  following  : — 

"  This  is  my  carving,  Prince  Amarpi,  lord  of  the  city, 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  291 

and  servant  of  him  to  whom  it  is  offered,  him  also  wor- 
shipping [as]  lord.  Conquest  having  been  made  in  the 
river  region,  this  carving  has  been  cut ;  and  being  suzerain 
both  of  all  herein  and  of  its  chief  \Targii\  as  having 
conquered  it,  the  lord  of  its  army  having  been  slain  by 
me,  it  [is]  now  subject  with  my  other  regions." 

If  the  prince  in  question  was  the  well  -  known  Ham- 
murabi (or  more  correctly  '  Ammurabi),  the  victory  in 
question  was  that  over  Eriaku  of  Larsa  about  2140  B.C. 
It  is  not  impossible  that  Hammurabi  only  adopted  the 
Sumerian  script  of  other  inscriptions  after  conquering  the 
south,  and  here  uses  the  Kassite  characters. 

SEALS. 

Eight  seals  found  by  Layard  at  Nineveh  in  185 1  are 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  and  bear  characters  found 
on  the  preceding  texts.  There  is  in  such  cases  no  cer- 
tainty as  to  where  the  seals  were  originally  used.  They 
may  have  been  collected  by  the  later  Assyrians  from  other 
places.  They  do  not  appear  to  be  royal  signets,  as  no 
sign  for  king  occurs  on  any  of  them.  They  are  given  in 
Dr  Wright's  '  Empire  of  the  Hittites,'  Plate  xiii.  Another 
is  given,  Plate  xx.  Three  are  alike,  and  read  KJiilibape 
("child  of  God"),  a  name  formed  like  Sumuabi  ("child  of 
Marduk  ").  The  fourth  has  the  single  sign  tur,  probably 
"  chief."  The  fifth  perhaps  Lakh-bu  or  Sa-bu  (the  sun 
emblem  having  both  sounds  in  Akkadian).  The  sixth  is 
injured  (Ipra  ?).  The  seventh  has  the  figure  of  a  king 
with  indeterminate  markings.  The  eighth  is  also  injured 
(perhaps  Khilib-mehi).  The  ninth  appears  to  have  the 
word  KURUKHU,  "prince." 

In  addition  to  these,  eighteen  terra-cotta  seals  or  tokens 
belonging  to  Mr  Schlumberger  were  published  by  M.  G. 
Perrot,1  and  photographs  are  given  in  Dr  Wright's  work 
(Plate  xvii.)  These  are  said  to  have  all  come  from  Asia 
Minor.  They  are  much  worn,  and  difficult  to  read.  The 
1  Revue  Archeologique,  December  1882. 


292  APPENDIX    VI. 

first  has  the  words  AN  u  ra  tas  or  AN  u  uru  tas  ("the 
servant  of  the  god  Uru "  —  the  Kassite  name  of  Bel). 
The  second  shows  a  deity  standing  on  a  lion,  as  at 
Carchemish,  &c. ;  the  signs  are  not  clear — possibly  UN 
Melisumo  .  .  UN.  .  .  .  The  third  has  two  hands  bear- 
ing sceptres  like  those  of  the  priest  at  Iasili-Kaia,  and 
perhaps  is  not  really  inscribed,  or  else  to  be  read  Sulutne. 
The  emblems  on  the  fourth  are  irregular  and  not  clear, 
perhaps  UN  Tassama.  The  fifth  seems  to  show  a  wor- 
shipper with  the  winged  sun  and  the  syllable  ra,  "  wor- 
shipper of  the  Sun."  The  sixth  is  also  rudely  cut,  perhaps 
reading  Zomolaela  eerika,  "  servant  of  Sumulailu  "  ;  but  this 
is  doubtful. 

Three  other  seals  of  this  set  (Nos.  7  to  9)  are  the  same, 
but  are  all  much  worn.  They  are  arranged  with  a  double 
symmetrical  text,  like  the  boss  of  Tarkudimme.  The 
probable  reading  is  AN  Khilibape  KUR  Nu-un,  "  Khili- 
bape  king  of  the  country."  The  tenth  seal  is  also  sym- 
metrically written,  perhaps  NUN  Sirra  Sumnte  es,  "  the 
reigning  king  Sumutes  "  ("  worshipper  of  Sumu  ").  The 
eleventh  may  not  be  really  inscribed.  It  has  a  large 
central  emblem,  probably  a  temple,  with  the  sun  inside, 
and  two  sceptred  hands.  The  twelfth  is  much  decayed, 
and  shows  the  figure  of  a  worshipper,  with  two  crowns 
and  other  emblems  not  clearly  defined.  The  thirteenth 
is  also  not  easily  legible  ;  but  the  fourteenth  is  remarkable 
for  its  griffon,  resembling  the  Set  monster,  but  with  wings. 
It  might  read  UN  Zabme  A??imisetane,  "  lord  of  battle 
Ammisetane,"  this  being  the  name  of  the  ninth  king  of 
Babylon  (2034-2009  B.C.)  The  fifteenth  seal  may  read 
from  the  left  NUN  Tarkast'rumaa.  The  sixteenth  has  a 
symmetrical  text,  perhaps  NUN  TUR  si'rgammaa  (or 
Yegammd),  "  the  king  son  of  Yegamma."  The  seven- 
teenth is  also  symmetrical,  apparently  Zomo  ma  ra  ba  ne, 
"  servant  of  the  house  of  Sumu."  The  eighteenth  ap- 
parently has  only  Ipraa  tar,   "  chief  of  the  region." 

In  addition  to  these  twenty  -  seven  seals  there  are 
others  already  noticed,  including  the  bilingual  from  the 


THE    HITTITE   TEXTS.  293 

Ashmolean,  which  has  the  signs  Isgar  raba,  "  servant  of 
Isgar,"  as  already  noticed,  and  one  of  which  a  drawing  is 
given  in  Lejarde's  '  Culte  de  Mithra.'  This  has  on  one 
side  the  winged  horse,  and  probably  the  name  Ammi  sa 
tu  ga ;  on  the  other,  the  winged  sun  and  the  words 
KURUKHU  SISAKH,  "prince  of  Babylon."  Amrai- 
zaduga  was  the  tenth  king  of  Babylon  (2009-1988  B.C.) 
Mr  Hogarth  has  published  two  seals  from  Tell  Bashar 
(which  we  have  seen  to  have  been  a  Hittite  fortress). 
One  of  these  seems  to  read  Ammizaduga,  with  the  signs 
NUN  Kas  ("  Kassite  lord  ")  above.  The  signs  on  the 
back  are  not  clear.  The  other  seal  of  this  set  has  a 
double  text  on  one  side,  (probably)  Am-sa-tu-ga,  and  on 
the  other,  Am  sa  [tu  ?]  ga  Babilu  Nun,  "  Amsatuga  king 
of  Babylon." 

The  seals  from  Aidin  in  Lydia  have  been  already 
noticed  —  one  having  five  deities  and  the  words  adda 
(father),  ye  \Ea  ?],  mu  (mother  ?),  se  (gracious) ;  while  the 
other  is  only  inscribed  with  the  word  negug  (fight)  over 
the  two  demons.  The  seal  showing  human  sacrifice 1 
bears  the  word  Tur  sak,  "  first  born."  Another  from 
Lycaonia  (p.  245)  has  a  central  figure  of  a  worshipper, 
with  five  emblems,  of  which  only  the  first  two  (du  us  .  .  .) 
are  clear.  The  fourth  inscribed  seal,  given  by  Perrot  on 
the  same  page,  has  already  been  noticed  above ;  but  the 
longest  text  is  on  a  fine  specimen  (p.  278  of  the  same 
volume),  which,  however,  is  not  easily  read,  as  the  em- 
blems are  not  always  distinct.  There  is  an  inner  circle, 
on  which  the  signs  raba  are  clear  (possibly  Khilib  Same 
raba,  " servant  of  the  god  Sam").  The  outer  circle  cer- 
tainly indicates  a  royal  seal  by  the  sign  UN -NUN, 
"overlord";  but  the  reading  is  not  very  certain.  Prob- 
ably it  runs,  Sarpi  Ammi  sa-ta  a  ne-li,  UN  pi,  TUR  US 
Abisu[um  ?],  Makh,  Khu  dub  bu  man  de,  which  will  mean, 
"  By  the  suzerain  Ammisatane,  son  of  Lord  Abisum  the 
Great,  this  seal  is  given."    Considering  that  Ammisatana  2 

1  Perrot,  Hist.  Art.  in  Asia  Minor,  &c,  vol.  ii.  p.  25S. 

-  Or  Ammiditana,  which  may  also  be  the  true  sound  on  the  seal. 


294  APPENDIX   VI. 

was  son  of  Ebisum,  whom  he  succeeded  about  2034  b.c. 
as  the  ninth  king  of  the  1st  Babylonian  dynasty,  the 
translation  is  at  least  probable. 

These  thirty-seven  seals,  therefore,  though  few  are  royal, 
contain  Kassite  names  and  titles,  and  seem  clearly  to  refer 
to  the  succession  of  Kassite  kings  in  Babylon  (Ebisum, 
Ammisatana,  and  Ammizaduga)  between  2059  and  1988 
B.C.  They  strengthen  the  case  for  the  other  inscriptions, 
in  which  the  names  of  Sumuabi,  Sumulailu,  and  Zabu 
(2251-2187   b.c.)  have  been  recognised. 

We  have  at  present,  therefore,  thirty -five  texts  and 
thirty -seven  inscribed  seals,  in  the  character  popularly 
called  "  Hittite,"  but  which  was  common  to  various  tribes 
acknowledging  the  1st  dynasty  of  Babylon  as  suzerains. 
We  find  in  them  records  of  conquest,  of  which  the  earliest 
are  at  Mer'ash  and  Carchemish,  extending  probably  later 
to  Hamath,  and  to  the  far  west  of  Asia  Minor,  and  in- 
cluding victories  recorded  in  Babylon  itself.  It  is  practi- 
cally almost  an  impossibility  that  a  system  of  160  emblems 
could  first  be  established  on  its  own  merits,  and  then 
applied  to  texts  varying  from  three  or  four  symbols  to 
long  inscriptions,  such  as  the  Mer'ash  lion  and  the  Bulgar 
Maden  rock  text,  and  applied,  moreover,  in  accordance 
with  the  very  peculiar  grammar  of  an  agglutinative  lan- 
guage, if  any  serious  fallacy  existed  in  the  method  em- 
ployed— a  method  confirmed  not  only  by  the  identity  of 
its  principles  with  those  recognised  in  the  reading  of  a 
kindred  language  in  another  script  (the  Sumerian  in  linear 
Babylonian),  but  also  justified  by  the  historical  result, 
which  agrees  with  those  independently  established  by  Sir 
H.  Rawlinson  and  his  successors  for  Kassite  history.  It 
is  true  that  attempts  have  been  made  to  prove  the  Kassites 
to  have  been  a  Semitic  people,  but  these  must  be  con- 
sidered to  fail  in  face  of  the  evidence  that  has  been  given, 
by  the  Babylonian  translation  of  Kassite  names,  which  can 
only  be  understood  if  they  are  regarded  as  being  of  Mongol 
origin. 

It  remains,  therefore   only  necessary,  in  conclusion,  to 


THE    HITTITE    TEXTS.  295 

show  that  the  words  as  rendered  in  these  texts  exist  in  the 
Akkadian  language  (as  proved  by  the  bilingual  texts  and 
by  the  bilingual  lists  alike),  and  that  they  can  also,  for 
the  most  part,  be  discovered  still  to  survive  in  the  pure 
Turkish  speech  of  Bactria  and  Siberia,  in  our  own  times.1 
The  attached  vocabulary  (Appendix  VII.)  will  give  the 
necessary  evidence  on  this  point ;  and  in  conclusion  it 
may  be  noted  that  the  results  here  detailed  are  not  likely 
to  suffer  from  the  future  discovery  of  bilinguals,  because 
such  bilinguals  (as  is  already  known)  would  most  probably 
be  in  "  Hittite "  and  cuneiform,  whereas  the  present 
method  already  takes  as  its  basis  the  original  identity  of 
cuneiform  and  Hittite  emblems,  giving  to  the  latter  only 
those  values  and  sounds  which  are  derived  from  the 
former. 

In  a  valuable  grammatical  tablet  comparing  Semitic 
and  Mongol  pronouns  (B.M.,  81-8-30),  translated  by  G. 
Bertin,2  the  colophon  appears  to  read  in  Assyrian  as 
follows  :  "  Before  the  Babylonian  equivalent,  I  Kisil 
Marduk  have  written  what  a  man  speaking  SU  language 
would  say,  in  Assyrian  speech."  The  words  are  the 
same  as  Akkadian,  but  SU,  among  other  meanings,  is 
rendered  eribu,  "the  West,"  and  the  reference  may  be 
to  the  Hittite. 

1  The  Akkadian  words  are  determined  by  personal  study,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  views  of  competent  scholars,  but  the  position  is 
secured  by  reference  to  living  speech. 

-  Journal  of  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  1885. 


ig6 


APPENDIX    VII. 


HITTITE    VOCABULARY. 

A,  it.     Akkadian  and  Minyan  a,  Turkish  au. 

A,  son.     Kassite  a. 

Ab,  house,  abode.     Akkadian  and  Minyan  ab,  Turkish  oba. 

Ab,  father.     Akkadian  ab,  Turkish  eb. 

Abisum,  proper  name  of  a  king.    Kassite  Ebisum  and  Ebisun. 

Ak,  crook,  hook.     Turkish  ek,  Akkadian  ak,  twist,  bend. 

Ak,  who,  which  ;  akke,  what.     Old  Medic  akka. 

Aka,  crown  ;  ako,  crown.     Akkadian  ega,  aka,  or  agu. 

Aka,  raise  ;  Akkadian  aka.     Turkish  ak,  high. 

Akate,  exaltation,  adoration  (high  render).     See  Te. 

A/,  going  back.     Akkadian  al,  backwards. 

A/,  flight  (see  preceding).     Perhaps  Turkish yal,  run,  hasten. 

Alalme,  a  bringing  back.  Causative  from  al,  with  -me,  ab- 
stract noun. 

Alussa,  (probably)  name  of  a  country,  Alaska  (Alasiya, 
Elishah). 

Am,  ate,  bull ;  Akkadian  am.     Turkish  ong,  bellow. 

Am,  tribe,  people.     Turkish  am,  aim  ;  Kassite  am. 

Am,  ama,  crown,  turban.     Akkadian  ami. 

An,  god  ;  Akkadian  an.     Turkish  on,  high  ;  Akkadian  -an. 

At,  ad,  stride.     Turkish  at,  walk,  stride;  Minyan  at. 

At,  ad,  father.     Akkadian  at,  ad;  Turkish  ata. 

Ba,  shrine.     Akkadian  Ba. 

Ba,  this.     Akkadian  ba.     See  Bu. 

Babilu,  Babylon.     On  a  seal  from  Tell  Bashar. 

Bar,  altar,  sacrifice.     Akkadian  bar. 

Bar,  to  be,  to  live.     Akkadian  bar,  varj  Turkish  bar,  var. 

Bar  (or  mas),  part,  division,  future.     Akkadian  bar  (or  mas). 

Bar  bar,  to  cause  to  live,  frequentative  and  causative. 


HITTITE    VOCABULARY.  297 

Bara,  chief.     Akkadian  bar,  chief,  lord,  lady. 

Be, pe,  make,  cause.     Akkadian  ba,  old  Medic pe,  Minyan  pe. 

Be,  complete.     Akkadian  be. 

Be,  dead  {pe-beka,  put  to  death).  Akkadian  be,  dead,  de- 
stroyed. 

Besa,  homage.     Akkadian  bis,  reverence. 

Bi,  two  ;  Akkadian  bi.     Turkish  bi,  other. 

Bi,  they,  them.     Old  Medic//,  Minyan  bi. 

Bi,pi,  this,  the.     Old  Medic  and  Minyan  pi. 

Bi,  ask,  want,  wish.     Akkadian  bi. 

Bu,pu,  this.     Akkadian,  Turkish,  and  Minyan  bu. 

Bur,  pur,  flow,  pour,  stream.  Akkadian  bur,  pur;  Turkish 
bur. 

Da,  at.     Akkadian  da,  ta;  Turkish  da,  Minyan  ta. 

Da,  suffix  of  abstract  nouns.     Akkadian  -da,  Turkish  -it. 

Da-ak,  perhaps,  "  therefore  "  ("  to  which  "). 

Dan,  strong,  very.     Akkadian  dan,  Turkish  tan,  great. 

De,  flame.     Akkadian  de. 

De,  go  out.     Akkadian  di,  Turkish   Hi,   reach  {gude,  utter). 

See  Gu. 
De,  probably  "  new."     Akkadian  de. 
Deilipe  (or  Delipi),    doubtful — saying,    telling,    notification  ? 

Akkadian  da,  speak  ;  Turkish  di,  speak ;  dil,  word  {-pi 

case  ending). 
Dera,  ruling,  deciding.     Akkadian  tir,  judge.     See  Tar. 
Dim,  tint,  sheep.     Akkadian  dib. 

Dim,  tint,  like,  as.     Akkadian  dim,  Turkish  tin,  Minyan  tint. 
Du,  come,  become,  be  ;  dulie,  becoming.    Akkadian  die,  Medic 

du. 
Du  Tar,  perhaps  a  personal  name  at  Hamath. 
Dub,  tablet.     Akkadian  dub,  old  Medic  dipe. 
Dur,  tier,  stay,  dwell,  set  fast.     Akkadian  and  Turkish  dur. 

E,  it.     Akkadian. 

E,  perhaps  good.     Turkish  ayi. 

Ee,  speak.     Akkadian  e,  Turkish  ayi. 

En,  erne,  lord.     Akkadian  en,  inie;  Minyan  inte.     See  Ati. 

En,  as.     Akkadian  and  Minyan  en,  enna,  so. 

Ene,  they.     Akkadian. 

Er,  eri,  man,  servant.     Akkadian  eri,  Turkish  cr,  man. 

Er,  him.     Akkadian  ir  (an  incorporated  particle). 

Ere,  willing,  eris,  will.     Minyan  enes,  Turkish  er,  will. 

Es,  these,  those.     Akkadian  es. 

Es,  three.     Akkadian  es,  essay  Turkish  vies,  iis,  utch. 

Ga,  gam,  crook,  bend  (see  Ak).     Turkish  jam,  bend. 


298  APPENDIX   VII. 

Gal,  key,  opening.     Akkadian  gal. 

Gal,  great.     Akkadian  gal,  Turkish  khalin. 

Gal,  be.     Akkadian  gal,  Turkish  /dial,  to  remain. 

Gam,  subdue,  bend,  conquest.     Akkadian  and  Minyan  gam: 

gamlit,     conquering;    gamma,    gammclu,    conquering; 

gammemelu,  conq uered. 
Gar,  to  cause,  to  make  ;  Akkadian  gar.    Turkish  kayir,  make. 
Gargar,  treasure  (as  used  in  Dusratta's  lists  of  presents). 
Gi,  reed.     Akkadian  ^v  and  ga. 
Gi,  again.     Akkadian  gi,  return. 
Go,  gon,  sceptre.     Akkadian  kun.     See  Ku,  Kun. 
Git,  word,  speak  ;    Akkadian  gu ;  gulu,  speaking.     Turkish 

kid,  sound. 
Gud,  gut,  power.     Akkadian  gud,  Turkish  got. 
Glide,  proclaim.     Akkadian  gudc,  from  gu,  word  ;  lie,  issue. 
Gug,  ram.     Akkadian  gug,  Turkish  koch. 
Gug,  fight.     Akkadian  guk,  war. 

/,  one;  Akkadian  a.     Turkish  at,  single. 

lak,  and.     Old  Medic  yak. 

Id,  power.     Akkadian  id,  Turkish  ida. 

Iede,    month.      Akkadian    idu,    Minyan   yed,    Etruscan    ide, 

Turkish  eida. 
Ik,  to  open.     Akkadian  ik,  Turkish  ach. 
Inpi,  the  mastery.     Akkadian  in.     See  En. 
Ip,  cord,  bind.     Akkadian  id,  Turkish  ip,  id. 
Ip,  region.     Akkadian  ip. 
Ipra,  region  ;  from  ip,  and  ra,  to  possess — i.e.,  dominion.     In 

Minyan  ipri  appears  to  mean  a  "  ruler,"  "  possessor." 
Is,  master.     Akkadian  es,  issej  Turkish  cs. 
Is,  ass.     Turkish  isik,  esek. 

Is,  here.     Minyan  issi,  Mongolian  isi  (compare  Si). 
Iz,  giz,  block,  Akkadian.     Turkish  ise,  stick. 

Ka,  ga,  reed,  Akkadian.     See  Gi. 

Ka,  ga,  to.     Akkadian  and  Turkish  ga. 

Ka,  house.     Akkadian^. 

Ka,  verbal  adjective,  and  past  participle  (also  ak),  as  Akkadian 

and  Turkish. 
Kar,  kir,  fortress.     Akkadian  kar,  kirj  Turkish  kir. 
Karak,  probably  "  townsman."     Mongol  ger,  house,  enclosure. 
Karak,  a  city  (Hamath). 
Kare,  making  (compare  Gar). 
Karkumis,  chief  city,  Carchemish. 
Karsalu,  lawfully,  with  law.     Akkadian  garza,  law. 
Kas,  smiting.     Akkadian  kas,  gaz. 
Kas,  two,  pair.     Akkadian  kas,  Turkish  kos,  pair. 


HITTITE    VOCABULARY.  299 

Kassasak,  condition  of  making  smite — victory. 

Kat,  hand.     Akkadian  kat,  Finnic  kat  (hence  "power");  and 

good  fortune.     Akkadian  kat,  Turkish  khitt. 
Kazin,  hare,  Akkadian. 
Ke,  as.     Akkadian  and  Turkish  ki. 
Ke,  cut.      Turkish  ki,    cut.       Hence   kceke,   carving;    ketik, 

cutting. 
Khar,  khir,  write.      Akkadian  k/iir,   Minyan  khar,   Turkish 

k/iar,  khir,  cut. 
Khe,  khi,  khu,  this,  he  who,  that  which,  Akkadian. 
Khi,  good,  holy.     Akkadian  khi. 
KJiilib,  god.     Akkadian  kJiilib,  Turkish  chelcp. 
Khilupi,  the  doing.     Minyan  khil,  Turkish  khil,  do,  make. 
Khir,  region  ;  Akkadian  khir.     Turkish  kJiar,  to  surround. 
Khu,    khun,    prince.       Akkadian    khu,    prince,    illustrious ; 

Turkish  khan. 
Khu,  bird.     Akkadian  khu. 

Khul,  evil,  foe;  Akkadian  khu/.     Turkish  ghoul,  fiend. 
Ko,  high,  tall.     Akkadian  ku. 
Ko,  for.     Akkadian  ku,  Turkish  ichun. 
Ko,  all.     Akkadian  kit,  Turkish  cJiom. 
Korumo,  a  place,  now  Gurun. 

Ku,  kun,  prince.     Akkadian  kit,  kun.     See  Gon  and  Ko. 
Kur,  country,  mountain.     Akkadian  kur,  Turkish  kor,  kera. 
Kuril,  governor.     Akkadian  kuru. 
Kuru  khu,  governing  prince.     See  Khu. 
Kuru,  favour.     Akkadian  kuru.     Hence  kurulu,  favoured. 

La,  tablet.     Akkadian  lav.     See  Lo. 

Lakh,  clear.     Akkadian  lakh.     Hence  lakhkhisa,  explanation? 
Le,  bull.     Akkadian  le. 

Li,  by  means  of.     Akkadian  and  Turkish  li. 
Lik,  regarding.     Akkadian  liku,  Minyan  lik. 
Likga  (or  ligga),  dog.     Akkadian  lik,  likku. 
Lit,  lat,  month,  Akkadian. 
Lo,  memorial.     Akkadian  lu. 

Lit,  yoke  ;  hence  "  rule,"  "  submission."     Akkadian  ///. 
Lu,  with.     Akkadian  ///,  Turkish  ailan. 

Lugur,    (possibly)    "servile    people."      Akkadian  gur,   kur, 
foreigner. 

Ma,  place,  abode.     Akkadian  ma. 

Ma,  this,  here.     Akkadian  ma. 

Makh,  prince,  great.     Akkadian  makh,  Turkish  magh. 

Afan,k\ng;  Akkadian  aw//.     Turkish  man,  foremost ;  manap, 

a  chief;  Minyan  man. 
Me,  men,  being.     Akkadian  men,  Minyan  ma,  make. 


300  APPENDIX   VII. 

Me,  many.     Akkadian  me,  Turkish  -viek. 

Me,  battle,  Akkadian. 

Mekc,  abstract  termination.     Turkish  -/nek,  -mak. 

Mi,  probably  "  land."     Ugric  ma,  mi,  and  mo. 

Mo,  me,  my,  mine.     Akkadian  mu,  Turkish  -m. 

Mn,  tree.     Akkadian  and  Tartar  mu. 

Mu,  record.     Akkadian  ;;///.     Hence  man-mu,  as  a  record. 

Mus,  perhaps  to  be  read  um,  document,  memorial,  Akkadian. 

Na,  go  out.     Akkadian  and  Minyan  naa. 

Nane-eri,  worshipper  of  Nana.     A  man's  name. 

Ne,  male,  he,  it.     Akkadian  na. 

Ne,  of.     Akkadian  -na,  Turkish  -;/.     Also  ni. 

Neke,  thereof.     Akkadian  nak. 

Nene,  they,  them  ;  Akkadian. 

Ni,  reverence,  Akkadian. 

Nine,  Nina,  a  goddess. 

No,  not ;  Akkadian  nil.     Turkish  ne,  nor. 

Nu,  nun,  king,  lord.     Akkadian  nu,  nun. 

Num,  wolf,  Akkadian. 

Num,  engrave,  Akkadian. 

Pal,  division.     Akkadian /W,  Turkish  pal,  cleave. 

Pal,  axe.     Akkadian  pal,  Turkish  beil. 

Pal,  time,  year.     Akkadian^/,  Turkish  beiyil,  year. 

Pal,  schism,  revolt ;  palpi,  rebel.     From  pal,  to  divide. 

Pa,  flower,  leaf.     Akkadian ^cz,  pam. 

Pam,  pa,  record  or  proclamation  ;  Akkadian. 

Pu,  bu,  bud.     Akkadian^//. 

Pu,  long;  puda,  far.     Akkadian  pit,  puda. 

Pa,  towards,  among.     Akkadian  ra,  Turkish  ara. 

Pa,  possession,  increase,  seizure,  Akkadian.     Hence  raaraa, 

increasing,  or  giving  possession. 
Rab,  servant ;  raba,  rabi,  serving.     Akkadian  raba. 
Raka,  rake,  making,  creating.     Akkadian  rak. 
Para,  raising  or  making  approach.     (See  Pa.) 
Re,  servant.     Akkadian   ri.     Hence  rebar,  being  a  servant; 

rebarsak,  servile  state. 
Ri,  meaning  doubtful.     Akkadian  ri,  bright ;  ri,  rise. 
Ride,    glorious.      From    ri,    bright;    de,    going   out.      Hence 

rideme,  glory  ;  ridcmc  tckalu,  glorifying. 
Rim,  accumulation,  mound — from  ri,  to  rise;  Akkadian. 
Rimkaka,    apparently    "collection    making" — i.e.,    taxation. 

From  kak,  make  ;   rim,  gathering  :   Akkadian. 
Ro,  rum,  point.     Akkadian  rum. 
Ro,  ru,  make,  build.     Akkadian  ru. 


HITTITE    VOCABULARY.  301 

Sa,  knife. 

Sa,  say.  Akkadian  sa,  proclaim.  Hence  saak,  speaker ; 
sasa,  causing  to  say. 

Sa,  in.     Akkadian  -sa. 

Sa,  sad,  middle,  in  centre,  heart;  Akkadian. 

Sa,  za,  quiver.     Akkadian  uz. 

Sakh,  good,  upright,  holy.     Akkadian  and  Turkish  sakh. 

Sane,  trusting,  believing.  Minyan  zan,  Turkish  san,  to  be- 
lieve, consider,  trust.     Hence  sanesane,  causing  to  trust. 

Sar,  ruler.     Akkadian  sar.     Hence  sara,  ruling. 

Se,  giving,  favourable;  Akkadian  se,  son.  Turkish  sev, 
favour. 

Shi,  shik,  horn.     Akkadian  slit. 

Shi,  set  up  high.  Akkadian  shi,  shig(see  preceding).  Hence 
shisashisa,  causes  to  set  up. 

Shimc,  probably  "  hostile."     Akkadian  shi. 

Si,  see.     Akkadian  and  old  Medic  si,  see. 

Si,  place.     Akkadian  si,  country  ;  old  Medic  sia,  place. 

Si,  before,  in  sight  of — a  suffix,  as  in  Minyan. 

Si,  sig,  tooth.     Akkadian  shi. 

Si,  sig,  full.     Akkadian  sig. 

Sip,  province.     From  si,  place,  ip,  district,  as  in  Minyan. 

Sir,  snake.     Akkadian  sir. 

Sir,  to  order.     Akkadian  sira  (see  Sar),  Medic  sera. 

Sir  (or  su),  a  possession,  Akkadian. 

Sis,  help,  Akkadian. 

Su,  hand,  power.     Akkadian  su. 

Sue,  people.     Turkish  soi,  race. 

Sulu,  commanding.     Akkadian  sul,  chief. 

Swne,  power.  Hence  same  sume,  overpowering.  Akkadian 
sum,  sum,  to  overthrow. 

Ta,  beat.     Akkadian  da,  drive. 

Ta,  so.     Minyan  taa,  Turkish  ta. 

Takh,  establish.     Akkadian  takh,  Turkish  tokh,  firm. 

Tar,  buck.     Akkadian  dara. 

Tar,  tribe.     Turkish  tar. 

Tar,  ruling.     Akkadian  tier,  Turkish  tore,  chief. 

Tar,  cut,  cleave.     Akkadian,  tar,  Turkish  tir. 

Targou,  Tarkotiiume,  Tarkatimme,  Tarkodimus,  men's  names. 

Tarmeke,  total.     Akkadian  tar,  all. 

Tas,  lion,  hero  ;  Akkadian. 

Te,  to  render,  to  found,  to  make.     Akkadian  te. 

Te,  to  worship,  to  establish.     (Found  in  Elamite.) 

Ti,  til,  arrow  ;  Akkadian  ti.     Turkish  it,  shoot. 

Tik,  all;  Akkadian  til:     Turkish  tek,  complete. 

Tik,  mound,  Akkadian. 


302  APPENDIX   VII. 

Til,  all,  Akkadian.     Hence  tillu,  completed. 

Til,  living,  Akkadian.     Turkish  til,  live. 

Tim,  dim,  region.     Akkadian  tint. 

Tim,   bond,  Akkadian   timj    Turkish  tern,   enclose.      Hence 

timpiven,  obligation. 
Times,  a  form,  likeness.     See  Dim,  as,  like. 
Tin,  life.     Akkadian  and  Turkish  tin. 
To,  tuk,  take.     Akkadian  tu,  tuk. 
Tn,  down.     Akkadian  tu. 
Tit,  turn,  make.     Akkadian  ///,  du. 
Tul,  mound,  heap  ;  Akkadian. 
Turn,  protection,  Akkadian.     Hence  tumhi,  protecting;  tum- 

da,  protection. 
Tur,  son,  Akkadian.     Turkish  toriio,  to  be  born. 

U,  I.     Minyan  u,  Old  Medic  u,  hn. 

U,  herb.     Akkadian  n. 

Ub,  apparently  "hollow,"  Akkadian. 

Ubba,  ubbi,  which,  whom.     Old    Medic  appo,  whom. 

Ud,  day,  when,  since.     Akkadian  ud,  Mongol  tide,  day. 

Uku,  (possibly)  people,  as  in  Akkadian. 

Ul,  to  be  (future  prefix).     Turkish  ol,  Minyan  ///. 

U11,  11,  lord.     Akkadian  //,  tin. 

Un,  ten.     Akkadian  uvun,  Turkish  on. 

Unit,  city.     Akkadian  iinu.     Turkish  nunc,  house. 

Ur  (perhaps  to  be  read  at),  go  back. 

Uru,  city.     Akkadian  urn.     Turkish  aunt,  camp. 

Us,  phallus,  monument,  male.     Akkadian  us. 

Us,  man.     Akkadian  us,  man,  servant. 

Ve,  ven,  to  be.     See  Me,  Men. 

Vo,  regarding.     Akkadian  and  Minyan  vu  or  ;////. 

Zab,  host.     Akkadian  zab. 

Zar,  store,  granary,  Akkadian. 

Za,  sa,  four.     Akkadian  za,  say  Yenessic  sheya. 

Zo,  thee,  thou,  thy.     Akkadian  zu. 

Zobumape,  Zomoepi,  name  of  a  king. 

Zoes,  zoa,  knowing.     Akkadian  zu,  know. 

Zomalu,  Zomelu,  Zomolaelu,  Zomumelu,  names  of  a  king  or 

kings. 
Zo-mus  or  zo-um,  apparently,  "record  of  information." 
Zu,  a  pyramid,  as  shown  by  the  Akkadian  sign. 

In  this  list  of  250  words  about   60  of  the  sounds  are 
taken  from  the  Cypriote  syllables,  and  are  independent 


HITT1TE    VOCABULARY.  303 

of  the  cuneiform  sounds.  The  sounds  of  the  ideograms, 
or  emblems  for  a  whole  word,  are  of  no  importance.  The 
words  of  more  than  one  syllable  serve  to  confirm  the 
readings  of  the  monosyllables,  and  the  meaning  is  sup- 
ported by  the  existing  speech  of  the  Turks  of  Central 
Asia,  and  by  Medic  (the  third  language  of  the  Behistun 
texts),  which  are  both  quite  independent  of  Akkadian,  but 
agree  with  the  sounds  of  the  latter,  as  given  by  Rawlinson, 
by  Lenormant,  and  by  more  recent  German  specialists, 
such  as  Delitszch  and  Hommel,  from  works  cited  in  the 
list  of  authorities. 


304 


APPENDIX    VIII. 


LIST    OF    AUTHORITIES. 


Special  Works. 

Etudes  Accadiennes.  F.  Lenormant.  1873-80. 
Decouvertes  en  Chaldee.  /  E.  de  Sarzec.  1887. 
Tableau    Compare   des  Ecritures  Babyloniennes  Archaiques 

et  Modernes.     A.  Amiaud  and  L.  Mechineau.     1887. 
Le  Peuple  et  la  Langue  des  Medes.     J.  Oppert.     1879. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Keilschrift.     Papers  by  F.  Hommel.     1882-84. 
Languages  of  the  Cuneiform  Inscriptions.     G.  Bertin.     1888. 
Repertoire  Sumerien.     E.  Chossat.      1882. 
Grammaire  Assyrienne.     J.  Menant.     1868. 
Etymol.  Worterbuch  der  Turko-Tatarischen  Sprachen.      H. 

Vambery.     1878. 
Die    Primitive    Cultur    des   Turko-Tatarischen   Volkes.      H. 

Vambery.     1879. 
Die  Sprache  der  Yakuten.     O.  Bohtlingk.     1851. 
Vergleichendes  Worterbuch.     Donner.     1886. 
Burgatischen  Sprachlehre.     A.  Castren.     1857. 
Turkish  Grammar.     J.  W.  Redhouse.      1884. 
Lycia.     Sir  C.  Fellows.     1841. 
Neue  Lykische  Studien.     M.  Schmidt.     1869. 
Der  Thontafelfund  von  el  Amarna.     H.  Winckler.     1889. 
Grammar  of  the  Assyrian  Language.     A.  H.  Sayce.     1887. 
Prehellenic    Monuments  of  Cappadocia.     Prof.  Ramsay  and 

D.  G.  Hogarth.     1891-93. 
Die  Altpersischen  Keilinschriften.     F.  Spiegel.     i88r. 
The  Empire  of  the  Hittites  (2nd  edition).    W.Wright.     1886. 
Reisen  in  Kleinasein  und  Nordsyrien.     K.  Humann  und  O. 

Puchstein.     1S90. 


LIST    OF    AUTHORITIES.  305 


General  Works. 

Brugsch's  History  of  Egypt.     1878. 

Rawlinson's  Herodotus  (3rd  edition).     1875. 

Schrader's  Cuneiform  Inscriptions   and  the    Old  Testament. 

1885. 
Petrie's  History  of  Egypt.     1894. 
Maspero's  Dawn  of  Civilisation.     1S94. 
Records  of  the  Past  (Old  and  New  Series). 
Perrot  and  Chipiez'  History  of  Art.      1884. 
Layard's  Nineveh.     1873. 
Sayce's  Hibbert  Lectures.     1887. 
Proceedings  and  Transactions,  Biblical  Archaeological  Society. 

To  1897. 
Quarterly  Statements,  Palestine  Exploration  Fund.     To  1897. 
Brosset,  Elements  of  Georgian.     1837. 
Renouf's  Egyptian  Grammar.     1875. 
Pierret's  Egyptian  Vocabulary.     1876. 
Brand's  Armenian  Dictionary.     1868. 
William's  Middle  Kingdom.     1883. 
Eitel's  Cantonese  Dictionary.     1877. 
Chalmers's  Cantonese  Dictionary.     1878. 
Doolittle's  Mandarin  Dictionary.     1872. 
Aston's  Japanese  Grammar.     1837. 
Bizonfy's  Hungarian  Dictionary.      1886. 
Chalmers's  Structure  of  the  Chinese  Characters.     1882. 
Max  Midler's  Sanskrit  Grammar.     1870. 
O.  Schrader's  Prehistoric  Antiquities  of  the  Aryan  Nations. 

1890. 
British  Museum  Guide  (Nimrud).     1886. 
British  Museum  Guide  (Kouyunjik).     1885. 
Journal  of  Royal  Asiatic  Society.     1892-93. 
Peters's  Nippur.     1897. 


INDEX. 


Names  of  Places  in  italics. 


Aa,  Ai,  the  moon,  124. 
Aadara-gi-ma,  176,  195. 
Aakitasebu,  197. 
Aaruna,  28. 
Abdasherah,  35,  39. 
Abd-Iskhara,  17. 
Abilsin  (see  Alamaku),  12,  175. 
'Abiri  (Hebrews),  24,  36,  39,  50,  93, 

178. 
Abydos,  59,  60. 

„         tablet,  181. 
Accho,  45,  82. 
Achshaph,  43. 
Achzib,  82. 
Actason,  122. 
Adana  {Athena),  54. 
Adapa,  119. 
Adar-Pileser,  58,  176. 
Adaru,  124. 
Adasi,  176. 
Adumetas,  176. 
Afrin  river,  63. 
Aguasi,  176. 
Agukakrime,  163. 
Agumsi,  176. 
Ahab  of  Sirlai,  68. 
Ahaz,  77. 

Ahimiti  of  Ashdod,  80. 
Ahmes,  24,  26,  181. 
Ahuni,  son  of  Adini,  66,  67. 
Aia  land,  21. 
Aidin,  132,  133. 
Ajalott,  36. 

Ak  or  Nebo,  a  god,  116. 
Akama,  197. 


Akausha  tribe,  49. 
Akkad,  2,  3,  9,  10,  15,  75,  83,  95. 
Akkadian,  84,  98,  151,  187-209. 
Aku  or  Sinu,  a  god,  124. 
Akumupalab    or    Sinmuballid,    12, 

175)  27°- 
Akupis  or  Sinmuballid,  12. 
Alamaku  or  Abilsin,  12,  173. 
Alarodians,  104. 
Aleppo,  17,  18,  32,  40,  44,  68,  72, 

167,  276,  277. 
Alaska  (see  Eliskak),  281. 
Alphabet,  143,  160-163,  248-256. 
Altaic  races,  87,  95. 
Amairo,  44. 
Anialek,  108. 
A  ma  11  us,  7,  64,  67,  69. 
Amarpi,  290. 
Amazons,  121. 
Amenemhat,  21. 
Amenophis,  25,  35,  38,  39,  40,  57, 

93,  100,  177,  178. 
Ammi-Satana,  12,  16,  169,  175,  292, 

293- 
u     -Zaduga,  12,  16,  169,  175,  196, 

293- 
Ammiansi,  21. 
'Ammurabi,   12,  172,  175,  194,  281, 

290. 
Amorites,  13,  14,  34,  53,  73,  82,  88. 
Amrabe,  281,  290. 
Amraphel  (see  'Ammurabi),  15. 
An  or  Anu,  a  god,  115. 
Anakim  or  Rephaim,  108. 
Anraan,  175. 


INDEX. 


307 


Ansan,  6. 

Apepa,  Apophis,  Ra-Apepa,  23,  200. 

Arabs,    76,  80,  91,    107,   123,  161, 

251. 
Arameans,  88,  251. 
Argistis,  65. 
Arioch  or  Eriaku,    12,    14,    15,  16, 

r6S,  173,  276,  277,  278-280. 
Arisu,  53. 
Aria,  76. 
Arkles,  200. 
Armenian,  89,  91,  104. 
Arpad,  30,  72,  75. 
Arslan  Tepc,  167,  288. 
Artasari,  72. 
Artasumara,  35,  199. 
Artatan,  199. 
Artes,  42. 

Artessupas,  192-194,  199. 
Arz'ad,  30,  39,  53,  61 ,  64,  77,  81, 

82. 
Aryan  races,  48,  89,  94,  106. 
Asalis,  192-194,  199. 
Ascalon,  36,  43,  50,  77,  82,  108. 
Ashdod,  80. 

Asherah,  holy  tree,  35,  120. 
Ashtoreth   or    Istar,    58,    in,   116, 

119,  122,  123,  126,  127,  133. 
Asianic  syllabary,  215,  251. 
Askadna  or  Ascalon,  50. 
Asshur  or  Assur,  25,  58,  172. 
Assis,  200. 

Assurbanipal,  84,  98,  101. 
Assur-  Bel-kala,  59,  176. 

11     -Bel-nisisu,  176. 

11     -Dan,  58,  75,  172,  176. 

11     -Nadinakhi,  176. 

11     -Nasirpal,  62-64. 

1,      -Nirari,  59,  75,  177. 

ti      -Risisi,  58,  176. 

n      -Sumesir,  176. 

11     -Uballid,  25,  40,  56,  57,  176, 

178. 
Assyria,  25,  56-86,  146,  174,  175. 
Astarata  (see  Ashtoreth),  a  goddess, 

47- 
Avaris,  20,  23. 
Azariah,  75,  76. 
Aziru,  39. 
Azuri,  80. 
'Azzaz,  32,  63,  67,  72. 

Baashah  of  Anianus,  69. 

Babylon,  9,  10,  14,  16,  33,  40,  56-60, 

75,  80,  173,  174,  248,  290. 
Basadatta,  80. 


Bakhian,  63,  198. 
Barak,  52. 
Bar-Karal,  74. 

„   -Rakab,  78. 

11    -Tsur,  78. 
Bashan,  27,  30,  36,  39,  77. 
Basques,  89. 
Batrun,  32,  39. 
Bau,  a  goddess,  212. 
Beeri,  108. 
Behistun,  84,  100. 
Beirut,  32,  39,  45,  58. 
Bel,  a  god,  124. 
Bel-Bani,  176. 

11  -Kapkapu,  24,  176. 

11  -Kudur-eser,  58,  176. 

11  -Nadinsumi,  176. 

11  -Nirari,  57,  176. 
Beon,  200. 

Beth  Amnion,  77,  82,  93. 
11     Anath,  45. 
n     Basi,  174. 
11     Burutas,  79. 
n     Zeit,  82. 
Birejik  {Tell  Bar  sip),  32,  66,  126. 
Boghaz-Keui  (Pteria),  100,  101,  127. 
Bar,  165,  283. 
Budilu,  176. 

Bulgar  Maden,  17,  165,  277-280. 
Burnaburias,  33,  38,  57,   172,  176, 

177,  196. 
Buzur-Assur,  176. 

Calendars,  179. 

Callimmasin,  35,  176. 

Canaanites,  13,  34. 

Cappadocia,  41,  71,  74,  89,  94,  164. 

Cappadocian  tablets,  41,  207,  208. 

Carchemish,  n,   17,   18,  40,  53,  56, 

61,  63,  67,  69,  72,  76,  78,  79,  81, 

86,  87,  101,  265-272. 
Carians,  94,  250,  252,  254. 
Censorinus,  180. 
Chalcis,  192,  194. 
Chaldeans,  63. 
Chedorlaomer,  15. 
Chinese,  96,  138-140,  147. 
Chushan  Rishathaim,  51. 
Cilicia,  54,  66,  69,  71,  74,  79,  83, 

89,  105,  165. 
Commagene,  60,  61,  62,  66,  68,  76, 

105. 
Cuneiform  writing,  n,  142-144,  147, 

215-236. 
Cush,  83,  93. 
Cybele  or  Ma,  a  goddess,  130. 


?o8 


INDEX. 


Cypriote  syllabary,   150,    151,   215- 

256. 
Cyprus,  31,  53,  54,  80,  83,  126. 

Dabigu  (Toipuk),  67. 
Dadil  or  Dadilu,  76,  199. 
Dagon,  a  god,  125. 
Damascus,  30,  34,  45,  68,  70,  73-78. 
Damkilisu,  176. 
Danau,  Danai  (Greeks),  53. 
Dog  river,  45,  58,  70. 
Doghanlu  Deresi,  18,  167,  283. 
Dothan,  28,  30. 
Dum-zi,  Tammuz,  a  god,  116. 
Dungi,  4,  6,  172,  173. 
Dusratta,  37,  100,  192,  193,  199. 
Dutar  or  Totar,  168,  273,  274,  289. 
Dynasties,  Babylonian,  176,  177. 
„  Egyptian,  183-185. 

Ea,  a  god,  115,  122,  125,  133. 
Eagle,  two-headed,  125,  129. 
Ebisum,    16,    169,    175,   276,    293, 

294. 
Edom,  21,  73,  77. 
Edugama,  39,  42. 
Eflatun  Bunar,  18,  131. 
Egyptian,  137-145,  I49,  25°,  251- 
Ekron,  82. 
Elam,   3,  8,  9,   14,   15,  57,  72,  98, 

172. 
Elishah,  Alasiya,  or  Alosha,  19.  34, 

281. 
Ellasar  or  Larsa,  14,  15. 
Elon,  108. 
Emim  tribe,  108. 
Ephron,  108. 
Erech,  15,  174. 
Eriaku.     See  Arioch. 
Erime  land,  42,  156. 
Esarbaddon,  81,  83,  105,  107,  126, 

174. 
Etruscans,    18,    94,   124,   161,   249, 

250,  251,  253. 
Eyuk,  17,  131. 

Finns,  89,  94. 

Galilee,  27,  30,  45,  54,  73. 

Gamgums,  18,  66,  68,  76,  80,  105. 

Ganymede,  122. 

Gaza,  26,  52,  76,  77,  79. 

Gebal,   32,  39,  45,   62,    64,  70,   76, 

82. 
Georgian,  103,  104. 
Gczer,  54,  108. 


Ghiaur  Kalessi,  17,  166. 

Gideon,  54. 

Gilias,  192-194,  199. 

Gilukhepa,  35,  199. 

Gindub,  69. 

Girparuda  or  Girparunda,  68,  106, 

199. 
Gitta,  28. 
Gomer,  7. 
Goshen,  23,  26. 
Greeks,  83,  91,   107,  126,  132,  146, 

150,  248-254. 
Guai,  68,  71,  76,  105. 
Gudea,  6,  7. 
Gulkisar,  176,  195. 
Guru??  (Korumo),  164,  284,  285. 
Gutium  land,  187. 
Gyges,  106. 

Hadad,  a  god,  68,  78. 

Hadadezer,  69. 

Hamath,  18,  32,  64,  68,  69,  75,  80, 

106,  168,  272-276. 
Hanun,  77,  79. 
Haroslieth,  51. 
Harran,  13,  61,  193,  194. 
Hatasu,  27. 
Hayan,    son    of    Gabbar,    67,    72, 

74- 

Hazael,  70. 

Hebrews  (see  'Abiri),  24,  93. 

Hebron,  18,  21. 

Helebi,  62. 

Hercules,  118,  121. 

Hezekiah,  81,  82,  83. 

Hittite  language,  102,  103,  197,  198, 
201-205,  257-303. 
11       writing,   n,   16,  17,  18,  138- 
170,  215-295. 

Hittites,  11,  13,  18,  31,  33,  38,  43- 
48,  53,  55,  56,  58,  60,  63-65,  80- 
87,  93,  101,  102,  105,  107,  109, 
123,  124,  126,  193,  194,  201-205, 
233,  267,  268. 

Hoshea,  jj. 

Hungarians,  94. 

Huzu  or  Usu,  69,  82. 

Hyksos  kings,  20,  22,  23,  26,  100, 
184,  185. 

Ianias,  200. 

Iasili-Kaia,  izj-izc),  164,  289. 

Ibreez,  127,  132,  165,  280,  281. 

Ideograms,  139. 

Ikatai,  38,  203,  205. 

Im,  Mer,  or  Rimmon,  a  god,  116. 


INDEX. 


309 


Im  Kharsak,  World  Mountain,  119, 

133- 

Immurias  or  Amenophis  III.,  193. 

Iniel,  76,  106. 

Ionians,  106,  249,  250. 

Iranians  or   Iron,   89,   91,   94,   98, 

103. 
Irba-Marduk,  16. 

11    -Sin,  176. 
Irkhulena,  68,  107. 
Irsappa,  202-204. 
Iskhara  or   Isgar,   a  goddess,  134, 

156. 
Iskipal,  176,  195. 
Ismi-Dagon,  24,  172,  176. 
Israel,  49,  50,  51,  52,  178. 
Istar  (see  Ashtoreth),  a  goddess. 
Ithamar  of  Saba,  80. 
Izameti,  176. 
Izdubar,  121. 
Izghin,  164,  285,  286. 

Jabin,  51. 

Janoah  {Yenu),  49. 

Janus,  133. 

Jehu,  son  of  Omri,  70,  130. 

Jerusalem,  81,  83. 

Joseph,  23. 

Kadesh,  28,  30,  32,  39,  42-44. 
Kaina,  29. 
Kaisdrieh,  41. 
Kalaba,  17,  166. 
Kalmucks,  96. 
Kamais,  197. 
Kandis,  176. 
Kara  Burias,  196. 

n      Kit,  196. 

11    -Urutas,  40. 
Karabel,  17,  166,  282,  283. 
Karaditnias  land,  33,  163. 
Karaenkit,  176. 
Karaindas,  163,  176. 
Karaurus,  176. 
Karbatus,  197. 
Karkar,  69. 
Kasbat,  176. 
Kaska  tribe,  60,  76,  105. 
Kassite  language,  195,  196. 
Kassites,   10,  11,  36,  40,  41,  56,  57, 

63,  98,  124,  163,  173. 
Katazilu,  66,  105,  200. 
Kati,  105,  200. 
Kauisira,  197. 
Kausmelek,  77. 
Kentaurs,  121. 


Kesir,  169,  262. 

Keteioi  tribe,  108,  109. 

Keys  or  Determinatives,  141,  234. 

Khakhans    or    Princes,     100,    193, 

194. 
Khamzir,  172. 

Khani-rabbat\ax\&,  20,  61,  63,  84. 
Khar  or  Phoenicians,  28,  192. 
Khattinai,  63,  64,  67,  71,  86,  106, 

107. 
Khelep-sar,  197. 
Khetasar,  45,  46. 
Khilibape,  291,  292. 
Khilib-melu,  291. 
Khir-basar,  197. 
Khitai  of  Cathay,  84. 
Khufu  or  Cheops,  8. 
Kinibi,  175. 
Kirgal,  176. 
Kirri,  105,  200. 
Kit,  the  sun,  19. 
Kiti  tribe,  105. 
Kittn  land,  19. 
Kolitolu  Yaila,  165,  289. 
Korumo.     See  Gurun. 
Kubau,  195. 
Kudur-Mabug,  14,  15. 

11       -Nanhundi,  9,  98,  172. 
Kudururas,  176. 
Kunalua,  63,  71. 
Kundaspi,  68,  105,  200. 
Kurigalzu,  36,  38,  40,  57,  176,  196. 
Kustaspi,  76,  105,  200. 

Lachish,  18,  82,  108. 

Lalli,  68. 

Lar,  124. 

Larsa  (see  Ellasar),  278,  279,  280. 

Leka,  Luku,  or  Ligyes,  34,  43,  49, 

104. 
Libyans,  48,  49. 
Linear   Babylonian,    11,    155,   215- 

256. 
Lubarna,  63,  71,  to6,  199. 
Lycians,  89,  103,  105,  249-256. 
Lydia,  94,  132. 

Ma,  a  goddess,   115,  128,  130,  131, 

i32>  x33>  2<55>  28i>  282- 
Mahaliba,  82. 
Malatiya,   60,   61,    64,   68,   76,  80, 

105,  288. 
Manasseh,  83. 
Manetho,  182. 
Mantchus,  96. 
Marduk,  122. 


3io 


INDEX. 


Marduk-Nadinakhi,  171,  176. 

ti       -Supilakullat,  176. 
Mari,  73. 
Masepalali,  199. 
Masrima,  197. 
Matanbel,  jj. 
Matiene.     See  Mitanni. 
Maurasar,  46,  197. 
Mautenar  or  Motenar,  43,  46,  197. 
Medes,  65,  80,  86,  103,  107. 
Media,  7,  10,  65,  75,  80,  83,  84,  95. 
Megiddo,  28,  29,  45. 
MeirUn,  45. 
Melamma,  176. 
Melikhali,  196. 
Melikit,  196. 
Melisibarru,  196. 
Melisikhu,  177. 
Melisumu,  134,  292. 
Melukas,  264,  265. 
Memphis,  8,  184. 
Menahem,  76. 

11  of  Samsimuruna,  82. 

Menes,  8,  184. 
Met* ash,   16-18,  34,  39,  40,  68,  86, 

131,  168,  169,  258-265. 
Merodach-Baladan,  77,  80. 
Midianites,  52. 

Mineptah  (Merenptah),  48,  49,  178. 
Minni  or  Minyans,   10,  20,  72,  83, 

100,  132,  133,  192-194. 
Minyan  language,  191-194. 
Mitanni   or    Matiene,    12,  20,  34, 

35.  37,  4°,  65,  84,  100,  193,  288. 
Mitinti,  77,  82. 
Moab,  77,  82,  93. 
Moschi,   Muskai,  or  Meshech,    18, 

60,  79,  105. 
Motur,  18,  197. 
Musalla,  7. 
Mutakkil  Nebo,  176. 
Mutalli,  66,  67,  105,  199. 
Mutallu,  105,  200. 

Nabonidus,  2,  171,  172,  175. 
Naharina  land,  26,  28,  30,  33,  34, 

43,  i5i- 
Nakhramassi,  199. 
Nanaeri,  287. 

Naramaku,  3,  96,  172,  173. 
Naromath,  59,  177. 
Narudi,  a  god,  117. 
Nazi  burias,  196. 

11    -Urutas,  41,  57. 
Nazibugas,  40. 
Nazira,  197. 


Nebo  (see  Ak),  a  god,  116. 

ti     -Dan,  59,  176. 

11      Kudureser,  176. 
Nekeb,  33. 
Nereb,  32,  39,  66. 
Nergal  or  Bel,  a  god,  115,  117,  119, 

123,  126. 

*?h  33- 

Nimgirabi  Burias,  196. 

11  Kit,  196. 

Nimmurias  (see  Immurias),  192. 
Nimmutriya  (see  Immurias),  201. 
Nina,  a  goddess,  115,  288. 
Nineveh,  10,  18,  38,  134. 
Nini,  31. 

Nin-ki-gal,  a  goddess,  115,  125. 
Niobe,  127,  281. 
Nippur,  4,  12. 
Noun  cases,  188. 

Pa-Kanana,  49. 

Pakhnan  or  Apakhnas,  200. 

Palanga,  164,  286,  287. 

Paltos  (Baldeh),  32. 

Panammu,  74,  77. 

Pantheons,  210. 

Parsua  tribe,  71,  72. 

Pase  or  I  sin,  174. 

Patesis,  rulers,  6,  24,  172. 

Pathros,  83. 

Pegasus,  121. 

Peis,  197. 

Pekah,  77. 

Perseus,  121. 

Persians,  89,  90,  145,  148. 

Pethor,  32,  68. 

Philistines,   27,  45,  50,  52,  53,  73. 

75,  80,  81,  107,  108. 
Phoenicians,    3,    34,    88,    126,    132, 

160,  161,  192,  248-251. 
Phrygians,  87,  89,  250. 
Pikhirim,  71,  105. 
Pirkhi,  199. 
Pisiris,  76,  80,  198. 
Planets,  211. 
Prometheus,  122. 
Pronouns,  190. 

Pteria  (see  Boghaz-Keui),  17,  127. 
Pul,  174. 
Purosata  or  Pilista  tribe,  53. 

Ra-Apepa.     See  Apepa. 
11  -Sekanen,  23. 
Rabsunna,  197. 

Rameses,  42-48,  51,  52,  53,  60,  93, 
132,  178,  181. 


INDEX. 


311 


Raphia,  79. 

Red  Indians,  136. 

Rezeph,  32,  38,  101,  201,  204. 

Rezin,  76. 

Rimmon  (see  Im),  a  god,  124. 

Rimmon-Baladan,  59,  176. 

n         -Nadinsumi,  177. 

„        -Nirari,  25,  34,  57,  65,  72, 
176,  177. 

11         -Sumnasir,  176,  177. 
Ruten  or  Luden  land,  26. 

Saamen,  54. 

Saamsusatana,  175. 

Sagasalti-burias,  173. 

Sakkara  list,  182. 

Salatis,  200. 

Sam,  the  sun,  124,  224. 

Samalla,  32,  57,  58,  59,  72,  73,  74, 

77,  79,  83,  126. 
Samaria,  45,  76,  77,  79. 
Samaritas,  197. 
Samas-Rimmon,  172,  176. 
Samosata,  17,  164,  290. 
Samsi,  80. 

Samsuiluna,  12,  175. 
Saneha,  20,  21. 
Sangara,  63,  72,  198. 
Sapalulme,  72,  106,  200. 
Saplel,  42,  46,  197. 
Sapsar,  197. 
Sardis,  49. 
Sarepla,  82. 
Sargani,  172. 
Sargina,  3,  172,  173. 
Sarginna,  195. 
Sargon,  79-81,  85,  101,  174. 
Sarnuka,  32. 
Scythians,  94,  101. 
Seir,  36,  53. 

Semitic  races,  13,  55,  91,  106,  107. 
Semyra,  30,  32,  39,  43,  76. 
Senefru,  8,  183,  185. 
Sennacherib,  81-83,  I7r-I74- 
Set,  a  god,  23,  47,  48,  112,  126,  127, 

i33>  2II>  23°- 
Seti,  42,  43,  181. 
Shabatuna,  44. 

Shakalisha  tribe,  49,  53. 
Shalmaneser,    58,    65,    74,    79,    93, 

176. 
Shamash,  the  sun,  124. 
Shamash-Rimmon,  72. 
Shardana  tribe,  49. 
Sharnlien,  26. 
Shasu  tribe,  27. 


Shinab,  jj. 

Shishak,  54,  59,  177. 

Skunem,  45. 

Sidon,  32,  39,   45,    62,   64,  70,  73, 

82. 
Sikhu  or  Sipak,  a  god,  124,  196. 
Simigiz,  a  god,  192,  193. 
Simmas-sikhu,  196. 
Sin  or  Sinu,  a  god,  124. 
Sinai  (Magan),  4,  7,  27,  53,  183. 
Sinim  (see  Elam),  6,  8. 
Sinmuballid,  12,  175. 
Sippara,  4. 

Sipylos,  Mount,  17,  132,  166,  281. 
Sirius,  178. 
Sisera,  51. 
Sitatama,  35,  199. 
So,  79. 
Solomon,  48,  56,  93. 

11        of  Moab,  jj. 
Sothic  cycle,  178-180. 
Sphynx,  125. 

Spirit  of  Earth,  114,  118,  122,  128. 
11         Heaven,  114,  118,  122,  128, 

133- 

Staan,  200. 

Su  (people),  295. 

Su-Edin  land,  3,  187. 

Suffixes,  189. 

Sulumal,  76,  105,  200. 

Sulume,  292. 

Sinner  land,  2,  9,  10,  11,  13,  15,  75, 
83,  9S>  96>  97,  126. 

Sumerian  language.  See  Akka- 
dian. 

Sumu,  a  god,  124,  134,  262,  291, 
292. 

Sumuabi,  12,  16,  165,  169,  173,  175, 
262. 

Sumulailu,  165,  175,  267,  270. 

Sumutes,  292. 

Surieh,  62. 

Susa  (Shushan),  1,  9,  10,  98. 

Susinak,  a  god,  9. 

Sussi,  176. 

Sutekh  or  Set,  a  god,  23,  211. 

Suttarna,  35,  199. 

Syntax,  191. 

Tablai   or  Tubal,   18,    71,    76,    79, 

105. 
Tabor,  45. 

Tadukhepa,  37,  193,  199,  205. 
Takelut  II.,  179. 
Tamtim,  174. 
Targon,  167,  168,  258,  260  261,  268. 


12 


Ix\TDEX. 


Targontimme,  42. 

Tarkananas,  197. 

Tarkatasas,  197. 

Tarkatimme  or  Tarkadimme,  164, 

284,  285. 
Tarkhunazi,  80,  105,  199. 
Tarkhundara,  38,  101,  198,  201,  203. 
Tarkodimus,  288. 
Tarkondemos,  17. 
Tarkondimotos,  164. 
Tarkulara,  76,  105,  199. 
Tarkutimme,  42,  156,  198,  267,  268, 

269. 
Tarquin,  102. 
Tarsus,  17,  71. 
Tartisebu,  197. 
Tassama,  292. 
Tatar,  197. 
Tazziumas,  176. 
Tell  Amarna   tablets,    35,    38,    42, 

118,  201. 
Tell  Barsip,  66. 

n     Basilar,  18,  61,  293. 
Tereb,  32. 

Thebes,  24,  101,  184. 
Thi,  35>  39- 

Thothmes,  26,  27-35,  x77' 
Tidal,  15. 
Tidalum,  7. 
Tiglath-Adar,  58,  171,  176. 

n      -Pileser,  58,  60,  61,  62,  75- 

78,  171,  172,  176. 
Tintir  (Babylon),  ir. 
Tin-Tir,  tree  of  life,  120. 
Tiphsah,  32. 
Tirhakah,  81,  82. 
Totiu  land,  21. 
Totar  (see  Dutar),  168. 
Tulka,  71. 

Tunep  (Ten/lib),  30,  39,  44. 
Tunepripi,  199. 
Turin  Papyrus,  182. 
Turks,  85,  91,  96,  97,  98. 
Tursha  tribe,  49. 
Tuska,  281. 
Tyana,  165,  283. 
Tyre,  32,  39,  62,  64,  70,  73,  76,  79. 


Ulam-burias,  196. 

.,     -urus,  196. 
Ur,  1,  2,  13. 
Urbau,  4,  173. 
Uriah,  108. 
Urik,  76,  105. 
Urnina,  6,  97. 
Urum,  32,  60. 
Urus,  124. 
Usertesen,  21,  22. 
Ussi,  176. 

Van,  Lake,  10,  65,  87,  89,  100. 
Vannic  Aryans,  65,  87,  102,  103. 
11       language,  103,  205.  206. 
Vassurmi,  76,  105. 

Xanthus,  256. 

Yadai  land,  69,  78,  79. 
Yaman,  80,  81. 
Yankhamu,  36. 
Yegamma  or  Sirgamma,  292. 

Yehem,  28. 
Yehubidi,  79,  106. 
Yuni,  199. 

Zabibi,  76. 

Zabu,   16,   167,   173,   175,  259,  260, 

261,  267,  268. 
Zagaga-Sumedin,  177. 
Zahi  land,  26,  31,  53. 
Zakkar  tribe,  53. 
Zamama-mumu,  172. 

11       -Sumedin,  176. 
Zinzar,  36. 
Zirgul  (Tell  Loll),   5,   14,  96,   131, 

147. 
Zoan,  20. 
Zobumape,  287. 
Zomoepi.     See  Sumuabi. 
Zomumelu,  272-274. 
Zuazas,  197. 
Zumalu,    265,    266,    268,   269,   270, 

283,  284. 
Zumelu,  266,  272. 
Zuzim  or  Zamzummim  tribe,  108. 


PRINTED   BY    WILLIAM    BLACKWOOD   AND  SOUS. 


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